Adolf Hitler Speech at Bürgerbräukeller November 8, 1939

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David York

Adolf Hitler Speech at Bürgerbräukeller November 8, 1939

Post by David York » Sat Jun 21, 2014 11:54 pm

On November 8, 1923 Adolph Hitler led his Nazi followers in an abortive attempt to seize power in Munich in what became known as the "Beer Hall Putsch". Although the plan failed, and Hitler imprisoned, the notoriety the Nazi leader gained laid the groundwork for his rise to the dictatorship of Germany. While in prison, Hitler wrote Mein Kamp, the book that described his political philosophy and planned conquest of Europe.

During the 1939 anniversary of Adolf Hitler’s November 8, 1923 attempted coup against the Weimar government in Germany(known as the Putsch), he delivered his annual address to the Alte Kämpfer (Old Fighters) at the Bürgerbräukeller (great beer Hall) In Munich. On the 1939 address Adolf Hitler Spoke about the Conditions which precipitated the first world war, and the causes of Germany’s defeat. Furthermore he explained how the aftermath of the War, in which blame was assigned to Germany for causing the war, reparation payments were demanded by England, and further conditions were imposed on Germany by England and Woodrow Wilson(via his 14 points and the League of Nations)such as disarmament and economic sanctions. Hitler noted that these demands for Germany to pay exorbitant reparations had plunged Germany into hopeless poverty and despair. It was out of this despair that the National Socialist government was formed and brought Germany back into being a World power in only seven short years, with a completely independent economy and no foreign help or trade.

Hitler then explained that England was once again agitating for another war against Germany under the false banners of “fighting for justice”, “for democracy”, “for culture”, “for civilization” and “for liberating smaller nations”. Hitler explained that England’s reasons for wanting war with Germany were hypocritical, since above all things they used Poland as another pretense for war. The British took issue with Germany annexing Poland while ignoring the Simultaneous invasion of Poland by Russia. Hitler said that the real reason that England wanted war with Germany was because Germany under National Socialism set a bad example for the Jewish and non-Jewish, international and non-international banker barons of England. These Banker Barons of England feared that the success with which Germany’s economy had repaired itself under National Socialism would pose a threat to their own power if other nations in the world took note of Germany’s example or even if English people themselves saw the success of National Socialism and hence might want to seek that sort of government for themselves. Hitler motivated his comrades to not only have self confidence in fighting a war against England on one front, but to fight both England and France on two fronts. He suggested that his people were superior because in his own experience as a soldier during World War One, he never thought that Germany was an inferior combatant on the battlefield to England, or France or Russia. He believed that Germany would not have lost that war if it had not been for outside interference (from America). Hitler blamed the previous government during the first world war of not doing everything it could have to ensure a German victory. He suggested that the previous government, which was a democratic and cosmopolitan one, did not enter Germany into the war at the best time. He thought that the outcome of the War could have been different if the Government was more assertive and more effective. He thought that his new government was going to be the deciding factor in the next war, and that all other things equal, his National Socialist government, which had the support of almost unanimous majority would prove to be victorious where the previous democratic government of 1914-1918 had failed.

Hitler also commented on the arts and culture of Germany and concluded that Germany was culturally superior to England. Above all things Hitler wanted peace and the right to self determination of his country, and the limitation of other national sphere’s of influences to their own countries and colonies. Hitler also sought to overturn the conditions imposed by the treaty of Versailles, such as the barriers to trade, and the ability to rearm his country and to be a viable healthy nation.

13 minutes after Hitler ended his speech on this day November 8th, 1939, a terrorist bomb which was secretly placed behind his podium exploded, killing 8 and injuring 63. Hitler, having started this speech earlier than scheduled, and left sooner than expected, was unharmed. Johann Georg Elser, a German Communist was apprehended and imprisoned for placing the bomb. He was executed at the Dachau camp after spending five years there.

An interesting thing about this address is that the tactics that Hitler said that the English used to bring war upon Germany are much the same as the modern day tactics the United States of America uses as pretenses for starting its wars, such as the Invasion of Iraq. In that war America claimed it was liberating the Iraqi people and bringing democracy to those people of Iraq. Yet another modern day parallel to this war against Germany was the US and NATO war against Yugoslavia during the Clinton Administration. The New World Order thought it necessary to wage war against the Serbs to make an example out of them. They wanted to show the countries of the world that if they didn’t yield to the demands of the New World Order, then they would be destroyed. Serbia thus was destroyed because it failed to give up its sovereignty and comply with the NWO. This was the exact logic of the British government and its Jewish and non-Jewish banking barons behind its attitude towards Germany during World War 2. The Only reason England , accompanied by France, set to wage war against Germany was because Germany was behaving in an independent and sovereign way, and Germany’s success as a National Socialist nation was perceived as a threat to the British and French because it was a successful ethnic nation which was not ruled by international banker barons, and could potentially bring an end to the banker baron’s power in England and other nations in which they exalted their power.


Adolf Hitler Speech at Bürgerbräukeller

November 8, 1939

Christian Weber, NSDAP-councillor in Munich:
My Fuhrer. Today we have again lined up for roll call on the day, or on the remembrance of 9 November, 1923.
Today anything else is not important. You see, my Fuhrer, that our hearts speak.
Today you have honoured us again with your presence on this roll call having travelled here and participating in our midst.
We are thankfull from the bottom of our hearts:

The war is on because England has wanted it! – Adolf Hitler
My Fuhrer, the salute of our roll call and our old comrades has in it all the power and determination that can be shown.
Our cry of “victory”, our first slogan in 1923, is the salute to our Fuhrer.

Comrades!

We greet our Fuhrer with one
“Sieg” (Victory)!
-Heil!
-Sieg!
-Heil!
-Sieg!
-Heil!

The Fuhrer speaks!

My Party comrades!

My German fellow Countrymen!

I have come to join you for a few hours to relive in your midst the memory of a day which has become of supreme significance to us, to the Movement, and hence to the entire German people. It was a most difficult decision which I had to make and see through at the time with a number of other comrades, a difficult decision that yet had to be made. The apparent failure led to the birth of the great National Socialist Liberation Movement. It was as a result of this failure that the big trial came about, which allowed us, for the first time, to step before the public defense of our views, our goals; it allowed this decision of ours to bear the responsibility in order to acquaint the broad mass of our people with our ideas. That it was possible for the National Socialist Movement to grow so much in the span of the four years leading from 1919 to 1923, for it to succeed in mobilizing the entire nation, for the first time, by this eye-opening event, must largely be ascribed to the general situation in Germany at the time. A terrible catastrophe had come over our people and our land. After a peace of nearly forty-five years, Germany had been driven into a war.
The question of guilt in this war has been much debated. We know today-and we already knew it back then-that, up to the year 1914, the Reich Government was guilty of only one thing, namely, of not having done everything which could have been done and should have been done, in the service of the nation’s recovery. Moreover, it could be blamed for allowing Germany to enter the war only at the most inopportune moment. Undoubtedly, had Germany truly wanted war, there would have been many better opportunities earlier. The forces which opposed us at the time have also engineered the present war against Germany-with the same empty phrases and the same lies. All of us, insofar as we were soldiers back then, know that neither the English nor the French conquered us on the battle-field. A monumental lie was needed to rob this people of its weapons. Today there may be one or the other man abroad who is surprised at my great self-confidence. I can only say to him: I won this self-confidence on the battlefield! In those four years, I never for a moment had the conviction or the oppressive knowledge that any of our enemies was superior to us. Neither the French nor the English displayed greater courage, greater valor, or greater defiance of death than did the German soldier. What brought Germany to the ground back then were the lies of our enemies.

It was the same men who lied then who lie today once more, since they are the same old warmongers, since Mr. Churchill and his mates took also part in the war back then. In this respect everything has stayed the same, except for one thing: At the time, Mr. Churchill agitated for war. At the time, there was a weak government in Germany. And it is the same Mr. Churchill who is agitating for war today. But in Germany, there is another government! It was the government of today which fought the British back then. It has no more respect for them than for any other party. And it does not feel inferior in the least. To the contrary, it is convinced of its superiority. The lies back then were the same ones as today. Why did England go to war back then? In 1914, the English first claimed: Great Britain is fighting for the freedom of the small nations. Later we all saw how Great Britain dealt summarily with the freedom of these small nations, how little its so-called statesmen cared for the freedom of these small nations, how they repressed the minorities there, abused the peoples. And this is precisely what they are doing today and what they do whenever it suits their ends and programs. They claimed at the time: England is fighting for justice! Well, England has been fighting for justice for three hundred years now and, as recompense, the dear Lord has given it about forty million square kilometers of soil on this earth. And, in addition, the “right” to rule over 480 million human beings. Such is the Lord’s recompense for “people who fight only for Justice.” Especially for people who fight only for the “right of others to self-determination,” as, in 1914, England supposedly fought for this “right to self-determination.” It declared: “The British soldier is not fighting for his own interests, but for the right of all peoples to self-determination.” Now, England could well have proclaimed this right to self-determination for the peoples of the British Empire at the time. Apparently, it was saving this for the next war! And then England was fighting for “civilization,” which can be found only in the British Isles.

Civilization reigns supreme only in the English miners’ districts, Civilization reigns supreme only in the English slums, in Whitechapel, and the other quarters of mass destitution and social debasement. Moreover-as usual-England set out to do battle for the cause of “humanity.” Humanity was stuffed into shells as gunpowder. After all, You can employ whatever weapons, as long as you are fighting for noble, lofty goal. And this is something England has always done! They went a step further yet to declare: We English are not fighting against the German people; to the contrary, we love the German people. We-Churchill, Chamberlain, and the others- are not fighting the German people, we are only fighting the regime which oppresses the German people. For we English have only one mission: to deliver Germany from this regime and to thereby make the German people happy. And to this end, the English are fighting primarily to relieve the German people of the burden of militarism. Yes, the day will come when it will not need to carry any more weapons. Moreover, they declared it was a shabby thing to write that German trade was a thorn in their side. “On the contrary, we want free trade all over the world. We have nothing against the German merchant marine! That is a lie!” That is what Herr Churchill said at the time. They declared it was disgraceful slander to claim that England had its eyes on Germany’s colonies-even to think as much was disgraceful. They declared this in 1914, 1916, 1917, and in 1918 still.

They went a step further to say they were fighting not for victory, but for a peace of understanding, a peace of reconciliation, and, above all, a peace of equality of rights. And this peace would make it possible to renounce armament in the future. Hence, in all truth, they were fighting against war. England fought against war, to eliminate war, to wage war against those fighting wars, to fight the resistance of those invaded. Thus, they declared there could be no talk of reparation payments as a goal in British war policy. On the contrary, they were seeking a peace devoid of reparations. This peace was to be attained through a general disarmament. This peace was to be crowned by the creation of an institution uniting all peoples. And England’s great second, Wilson, summed all this up in Fourteen Points, supplemented by three further ones. In those points they assured us that we had nothing to fear, that we would be treated fairly. All we needed to do was to lay down our arms and to trust England’s word and its allies’. Then-we would be welcomed with open arms into a true community of man, with no victors and vanquished, ruled by law. There, the colonies would be redistributed fairly in a manner in which all justified claims to colonies would be heard, etc.. This would be done in all solemnity in the League of Nations. War would be abolished for good, and eternal peace would reign. From the English point of view, it was understandable. If someone with 46 million people has conquered 40 million square kilometers, if someone with 46 million people subjugated 480 million, then it is understandable that they should now have the desire of having peace at last. “For 300 years we have waged war on the world, for three hundred years, we have made ourselves rich, for 300 years, we have subjugated country after country, thrown down people after people. We now rule the world and we would like to have some peace and quiet for this, please!” This was clear and it was comprehensible that the league of Nations was set up in an effort to Warrant stabilization of the state of affairs which thus had come about. Things developed differently, however. And today, and English minister steps up, tears in his eyes, and says: “Oh, how we would love to come to an understanding with Germany. If we could only trust the word of the German leadership!” The same is on the tip of my tongue! How we would love to come to an understanding with England. If we could only trust the word of its leadership! When has there ever been a people more vilely lied to and tricked than the German people by English statesmen in the past two decades? What happened to the promised freedom of the peoples? What happened to justice? What happened to the peace without victors and vanquished? What happened to the right of all peoples to self-determination? What happened to the renunciation of reparations? What happened to the fair settlement of the colonial question? What happened to the solemn declaration not to take its colonies from Germany? What happened to the sacrosanct assurance not to burden us unnecessarily? What finally happened to the assurances that we would be welcomed as equals into the open arms of the so-called league of Nations, in the bossom of this so called alliance of nations? What happened to the assurances of a general disarmament?

All lies!

Our colonies were taken from us. Our trade was ruined. Our Merchant marine was robbed. Millions of Germans were torn from us and left to be abused. Our people was plundered. Reparation payments were demanded of our people which it could not possibly have paid in a hundred years. We were all thrust into deep poverty. The National Socialist Movement came into being because of this poverty. Let no one act as though today, if only Germany were not National Socialist, a golden British heart would open up to it. God knows the Germany we once knew was completely different from the National Socialist one. That Germany was democratic, it was cosmopolitan, it blindly believed in the assurances of British Statesmen. That Germany still knew trust, it disarmed itself, and it dishonored itself. And it was lied to and tricked all the more! Our Movement came into being because of the misery this brought on. From the greatest breach of faith of all time came the events at Spa and then the shameful Diktat of Versailles. You know, my old Comrades in Arms, how I expounded this treaty before you time and time again from this very spot. Point for point. Over 440 articles, each of which represented an insult and a violation of a great nation. As a result the years of destitution and despair. The years of inflation, robbing the people of their savings accounts and all means of sustenance, the times of rampant unemployment, of the slow starving of our people, of enormous numbers of suicides in Germany. In two years, we had more suicides in Germany than Americans were killed in the course of the war in the West. The National Socialist Movement came into being because of this great poverty; and from its beginnings it had to make the most difficult decisions.

One of these decisions was the decision to revolt on November 8, 1923. It ended in failure, or so it appeared at the time. Still, its sacrifices brought the delivery of Germany. Sixteen dead! Millions of living were revived through their deaths. National Socialism then set out on its triumphant march. In the days since then, Germany has become a world power-thanks to our Movement! Of course, it was understandable that the enemy of old began to agitate once more the minute we overcame the aftereffects of the defeat. Undoubtedly, there are two kinds of Englishmen. We do not wish to be unjust here. There are many men in England, too, who dislike all these hypocritical airs, and who wish to have nothing to do with this. Either they have been silenced or they are helpless. What is decisive for us is that, despite searching for years, we have not found this type of Englishman. My Party Comrades, you know how I worked for an understanding with England for nearly two decades. How we limited ourselves in the conduct of German politics to bring about this understanding! This was the case with France also. The things we wrote off, the things we renounced! One thing was obvious: no German Government can renounce Germany’s right to life! And, above all, a National Socialist Government has no intention of renouncing such a right to life! On the contrary, our protest was spurred by the renunciation of this right to life once made by our democratic politicians. Therefore, I shall carry through the life and security of the German people and their nation under all circumstances! I have never presumed to interfere in British or French affairs. If an Englishman stands up today to say, “We feel responsible for the fate of the peoples of Central and Eastern Europe,” then I can only reply to this gentleman: Then we are just as responsible for the fate of the peoples of Palestine, for the fate of the peoples of Arabia, for the fate of the peoples of Egypt, and, for all I care, for the fate of the people of India as well. Should a fourth Englishman say, “For us the frontier runs along the Rhine,” and the next comes up to say, “For us the frontier runs along the Vistula river,” then all I can reply is: Gentlemen, see to it, that you scurry back to the Thames, or else we will help you find your actual borders! In any event, today’s Germany stands determined to secure its borders and to preserve its sphere of influence. It is an area not cultivated by the English but by us. We did not go anywhere the English brought culture before us. Since, in his speech yesterday, Lord Halifax declared himself to be a champion of the arts and culture, and because of this Germany had to be destroyed, then all we can say is: Sir, Germany already had a culture when die Halifaxe had no inkling of the term yet. Within the last six years more has been done for culture in Germany than in England within the last 100 years. And in those locations which we have reached to date, we have not found any monuments of British apostles of culture, but only cultural monuments of great Germans. In vain I searched for British monuments of culture in Prague and Posen [Poznan], Graudenz and Thorn, Danzig and Vienna. Perhaps they can be found only in Egypt or India. In any event, we uplifted the German nation year by year, beginning in the year 1933 and throughout the years 1934, 1935, and 1936. One stage at a time, step by step we liberated Germany and made it strong! And in this instance, I do understand the plight of the international warmongers. To their great regret, they were forced to realize that the new Germany is by no means the old Germany. And I strove not only to develop the cultural aspects of our life, but also to revise our position in power politics, and thoroughly. We have built up an army-and I can well permit myself to say so today: there is not a better one to be found in the world! And behind these armed forces stands the people with its ranks closed as never before in German history! And above these armed forces, above this people there stands a government of zealous willpower, the like of which has not been seen in Germany in the past centuries! And, as you know, this new German Reich possesses no war aims in this struggle against England and France. In my last speech, in which I held out my hand to England and France one last time, I already made clear where I stand in this matter. When we are attacked now, this cannot have anything to do with questions of Austria, Czechoslovakia, or Poland, because they are brought up as the occasion demands only to be promptly forgotten. The case of Poland proves that England is not interested in the existence of such states; otherwise it would have had to declare war on the Soviet Union as well, since Poland was divided approximately in half. But now the English say that this is not really decisive any longer; we have a different war aim. First, it was the independence of Poland, then the elimination of Nazism, then again guarantees for the future. It will always be something else. They will wage war as long as they find someone willing to wage the war in their stead, someone willing to sacrifice himself for them.

The reasons are the same old empty phrases. If it declared it wished to stand up for liberty, for liberty in general and in particular, Great Britain could set a wonderful example for the world by granting full liberties to its own peoples. How noble might this new British crusade look, had it been preceded by the granting of liberty to 350 million Indians or a proclamation of independence and the right of free elections for the remaining British Colonies! How gladly would we bow to such an England! Instead we see England oppressing these millions, just as it stood by and watched the oppression of several million Germans. Hence it cannot move us in the least when today an unctuous British minister proclaims England has an eye only to ideals and not to any selfish goals, never in their history. Of course-I have mentioned this before-the British have never yet fought for selfish goals but as recompense for this selfless struggle, the dear Lord presented them with so many lands and so many peoples. And when, on this day, they declare they are not fighting for any selfish goals, then this is simply ridiculous!

The German people cannot help but be astounded at the simplicity of those who believe, after twenty years of this incredible deception of the world, they can approach us once more with the same swindle. Or when they say that they stand up for culture: England as the creator of culture is a chapter in its own right. We have little traces of a really creative British cultural scene in other nations. The English cultural scene limits itself almost exclusively to the very British motherland and to those territories being practically subjugated by the British motherland. Otherwise we cannot see anything of a cultural scene.

We Germans need absolutely not to be fooled by the English in the field of culture: our music, our poetry, our architecture, our paintings, our sculptures, can more than stand a comparison to the English arts. I believe that a single German, let us say, Beethoven, achieved more in the realm of music than all Englishmen of the past and present together! And we take care of this culture better than the English are capable of doing. Now that they say their only aim in this war is to finally end all wars-well, they didn’t need to begin the war. The war began only because England desired it! When today they say: There is a war on now, we, English, don’t want it. We will now fight it so that there will be no more war in the future. Here’s the only answer they can get: You didn’t absolutely need to begin the war, then there would be no war! And we stand convinced that there shall be war as long as the goods of this earth are not fairly distributed, and as long as this distribution is not a voluntary and a just one. This could have been done long ago! And today they say: “Yes, we simply cannot return the colonies to National Socialist Germany, as much as it hurts and depresses us to have to on them. We would truly like to redistribute the raw materials of the earth, but we would need to be able to give them to someone we could trust.” Well, gentlemen, there were other governments in power in Germany before ours. And these were governments greatly to England’s liking, in part even propped up by England. You should have been able to vest your trust in them! Why did you not let them have some of the goods, these governments which you trusted? After all, there would have been no reason to redistribute them, had our belongings not been stolen from us in the first place. And we, too, are of the opinion that this war must come to an end. War cannot, should not, and will not come to haunt us every few years. We hence think it necessary for nations to limit themselves to their spheres of influence. In other words, there must be an end to this situation where one people takes upon itself to play the world’s police-man and interferes in everybody else’s affairs. The British Government will come to realize that, at least as far as Germany is concerned, the attempt to erect a police dictatorship over us will fail, and must fail.

Neither in the past nor in the present have we encountered members of the British Government in their role as self-proclaimed apostles of culture-and in the role of policemen we simply cannot bear to see them. By the way, they also know that those are not the reasons. The true reason for their actions is a different one. They hate social Germany (das soziale Deutschland)! What have we done to them? Nothing at all. What did we take from them? Nothing at all. Have we threatened them? Not in a single instance. Were we not ready to conclude an agreement with them? Yes, we were. And we even did so. Did we not restrict ourselves in our armaments? Alas, all this was of no interest to them. What they hate is the Germany which sets a dangerous example for them, this social Germany. It is the Germany of a social labor legislation which they already hated before the World War which they still hate today. It is the Germany of social welfare, of social equality, of the elimination of class differences-this is what they hate! They hate this Germany which in the course of seven years has labored to afford its national comrades a decent life. They hate this Germany which has eliminated unemployment, which, in spite of all their wealth, they have not been able to eliminate. This Germany which grants its laborers decent housing-this is what they hate because they have a feeling their own peoples could be “infected” thereby. They hate this Germany of social legislation, this Germany which celebrates the first of May as the day of honest labor. They hate this Germany which has taken up this struggle to eradicate social classes. As a matter of fact, this Germany they hate! That is why they hate this healthy Germany first of all, the ethnically healthy Germany that cares about its national comrades, where children are washed and are not full of lice, and which does not allow conditions to take hold, such as their own press now admits to. In which the children are not full of lice. This Germany they hate!

It is their big money men, their Jewish and non-Jewish international barons, banking barons, etc., who hate us because they see in Germany a bad example potentially rousing other peoples their own people. They hate this Germany with its young, healthy, blossoming new generation, the Germany which takes such care of the well-being of this generation. And, of course, they hate the strong Germany, the Germany on the march, which takes upon itself sacrifices voluntarily. We have just seen how much they hate us. We drew up a Four-Year Plan to help ourselves. We have not taken anything from anyone through this Four-Year Plan. When we turn coal into gasoline or rubber, or when we see to other forms of substitution, what are we thereby taking form others? Nothing, nothing at all. To the contrary, they should have been happy and said: “Then they do not burden our markets. If they make their own gasoline, they do not need to export to be able to import.- All the better for us, the world gasoline is left to us!”
No, they fought this Four-Year Plan. They Said: “The plan has to go!” Why? Because it makes Germany healthy! That was the only reason. It is a fight against a free, and independent, a viable Germany! That is their fight. And this we oppose in our fight. This struggle is our eternally unchanging National Socialist fight for the erection of a healthy, strong national community; for an overcoming and repairing of the damage done to this community for the security of this community against the outside world. And this is the goal: we fight for the security of our people for our sphere of influence. We shall allow no one to interfere in this! And now that the English declare this battle to be the Second Punic War, history has not yet determined who shall play Rome and who shall play Carthage in this case.

In the first war England assuredly did not play Rome, as Rome emerged victorious from the First Punic War. In the First World War England was not the victor, but rather others won that war for it. And in the second-I can assure you of this much-England will even less be the victor! This time a different Germany faces the England of the World War; this it will be able to appreciate in the foreseeable future! It is a Germany suffused by a tremendous will and it can only laugh at the antics (Blodeleien) of British phrasemongers. And now if an Englishman comes and says, “We fight for the freedom of the world; we fight for democracy; we fight for culture; we fight for civilization; we fight for justice; and son on,” then this will be met with resounding laughter in Germany. And, moreover, as a generation is still alive today which personally can appreciate the “uprightness” of such British versions of the war. And even if we have not learned anything since then, we have not forgotten anything either. And not only have we not forgotten anything, we have learned something. And every British balloon which the wind blows over our lines and which drops off more or less spirited leaflets here proves to us that time stood still in this outside world during the past twenty years. And every echo elicited in Germany should prove to them that a Movement has taken place here, a Movement of enormous proportions, of enormous force and effectiveness.

England does not want peace! We heard this again yesterday. In my speech before the Reichstag, I already declared that, for my person, I have nothing to add. The rest we shall discuss with the English in the only language which they seem capable of understanding. I regret that France has entered the service of these British warmongers, and has allied itself with England in this manner. As concerns Germany, we have never been afraid of one front. Once we successfully defended two fronts. We have one front now, and we shall hold our own on this front with success-of this rest assured! I regarded the success in arriving at an understanding with Russia not as a triumph of German politics, but as a triumph of reason. Once before these two peoples engaged each other in war and nearly fatal blood-letting. Neither of us profited from this and now we have resolved not to do the gentlemen in London and Paris this favor a second time.

We are facings times of great change today. Struggle carried National Socialism forth. We all were soldiers back then. A great number of us have pulled on the gray tunic once more. Germany has undergone a thorough change. Just as the Prussia of 1813-14 could not be compared to the Prussia of 1806, so the Germany of 1939, 1940, 1941, or 1942, cannot be compared to the Germany of 1914, 1915, 1917, or 1918. What happened then will never again happen in the future! We will make sure, and the party shall vouch for this, that the occurrences we were so unfortunate as to witness in the World War will never again happen in Germany. We squarely dealt with them, my National Socialist fighters, when we were fighting still as a ludicrously small minority within Germany. Then we had only our belief. Nevertheless, we brought down these manifestations and eliminated them. And, moreover, today we have power! These occurrences will never again happen in Germany.

Our will shall not bend in this external struggle any more than it did in the internal struggle for power. Then I repeatedly told you: everything is conceivable with one exception: we will never capitulate. And as a National Socialist standing before the world today, I can only repeat: everything is conceivable-a German capitulation never!
People have to put that out of their minds! And if someone informs me, “Then the war will last three years,” I answer: Let it last as long as it will. Germany will never capitulate: not now and not in three years!

I was told that England is preparing for a three-year war. On the day of the British declaration of war, I ordered the Field Marshal Goring to immediately gear all preparations toward a duration of five years. I did so not because I believe this war will take five years, but because we shall not capitulate at the end of five years either-for nothing in the world! We shall show these gentlemen the force of a people eighty-million strong, united under one leadership, led by one will, forged together in one community. Commemoration of our great dead drives the Party to labor all the more in fulfillment of its great mission. It has become the bearer of the will, the unity, the integration, and hence of the German national community. Whatever the individual among us must bear in terms of sacrifice will pass and is of no importance. What is and remains decisive is only the victory! Thanks to our preparations we are able to wage this war under far more favorable circumstances than in the year 1914. We have taken great pains to assure through our planning that the German planes do not run out of fuel. We have taken care that from the day the war is declared rationing sets in immediately, so in the first year of the war, costly goods are not squandered, wasted, or destroyed. We have secured all prerequisites necessary for the longest time possible. We have furthermore developed Germany’s potential to the fullest in all other areas as well. Thus, today, I can give you the assurance: they shall not overpower us either militarily or economically-not in the least. There is only one possible victor: it is we.

That Mr. Churchill cannot believe this I attribute to his great age. Others have not believed it either. They were misinformed by Mr. Churchill, Mr. Chamberlain, Mr. Halifax, etc. our Polish enemies. They would never have gone to war if they had not been forced into it by the English. England backed them, propped them up, and incited them. The course of this war has perhaps for the first time shown precisely what mighty military instrument the German Reich has meanwhile forged for itself. It was not, my fellow countrymen, as if the Poles were cowards or as if they ran away-this was not the case! The Poles fought with great valor at many a location. And although this state of over 36 million men had nearly fifty divisions with recruits numbering 300,000 every year as compared to the 120,000 in France presently-this state was militarily beaten in an unbelievable ten days, was destroyed in eighteen days, and was forced to finally capitulate in thirty days. In this we acknowledge as well how much providence has helped us here. It has allowed our plans to ripen fully and has visibly blessed their fruits. Otherwise, this work could not have succeeded in such a short time. Hence, we believe that Providence willed what has come to pass. I often used to tell you that the defeat of 1918 was well-deserved, as we had not been able to preserve the great victories as we should have. No one shall accuse us of this in the future. With profound gratitude, we bow before our heroes, our valiant soldiers, our dead comrades, and our injured men. Through their sacrifice they have contributed to the defeat, within only thirty days, of the first enemy who brought about this war. May every German realize that the sacrifice of these men is worth no less than the one another man may have to make in the future. No one has the right to regard his future sacrifice as a more demanding one. As National Socialists, we have gathered knowledge and made vows in veneration of the dead of November 9 in the history of our Movement. May the realization always be with us that the cause for which the first sixteen died is worthy of the similar sacrifice it obliges many others, if necessary. Countless millions fell on the battlefield for this, our German people, in the course of centuries, even the millenniums. Millions of others shed their blood for it. Not one of us knows if this will not be his fate also. Yet every one of us must know that he is not making a greater sacrifice than others have made before him, and others after him will have to make.

The sacrifice of the woman bearing a child for this nation is equal to that of the man who defends this nation.
We National Socialists have always been fighters. This a great time. And in it, we shall prove ourselves all the more as fighters. In so doing, we shall best honor the memory of this first sacrifice made by our movement.

I cannot end today’s evening without, as always, thanking you for your loyal following throughout those long years, or without promising you to hold up high our old ideals in the future. We shall stand up for them and we shall not shrink from putting our own lives on the line to realize the program of our Movement, that program which demands nothing but to secure our people’s life and existence in this world. This is the first commandment of our National Socialist profession of faith and it also is the last one which hangs over every National Socialist when, after the fulfillment of his duties, he departs this life.

Party comrades!

To our National Socialist Movement, to our German people, and above all to our victorious armed forces!
Sieg Heil!
Sieg Heil!
Sieg Heil!

13 minutes after finishing his speech a terrorist bomb exploded right behind his podium. Divine Providence saved our Fuhrer, hundreds of comrades and this audio file of his speech. 63 were injured, 16 gravely, and the following names of the 8 who died remind us of the evil in those who sought to destroy Germany

THE VICTIMS OF THE ATTACK
Maria Henie *12.12.1909
Michael Wilhelm Kaiser *21.1.1889
Emil Kasberger *3.3.1885
Franz Lutz *12.10.1886
Leonhardt Reindl *2.11.1882
Eugen Schachta *17.10.1907
Michael Schmeidl *unbekannt
Willhelm Weber *26.8.1902

Michael Olanich

Re: Adolf Hitler Speech at Bürgerbräukeller November 8, 1939

Post by Michael Olanich » Sat Aug 09, 2014 10:52 am

I've re-formatted this historical speech by Hitler, so it can be made a little more easy to read.

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Wade Hampton III
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Location: Pontiac, SC

Re: Adolf Hitler Speech at Bürgerbräukeller November 8, 1939

Post by Wade Hampton III » Mon Oct 10, 2016 6:00 am

Jew Obsession With Hitler!

Jan Layton Written Fri posted....

During the Allied occupation of Berlin, the Russians arrived there first.
Photographs were taken of a body which resembled Hitler but it has never
been proven to be him. In 2000, the Russians displayed a scull with a
bullet hole claiming it was Hitler’s but further study showed it belonged
to an unknown woman. Most people think the Russians displayed the scull
to dispel any theories he had escaped. American scientists ran DNA studies
on the scull and compared results to blood found on the sofa in Hitler’s
bunker but they did not match. In 2009, CNN received a report from Moscow
that claimed Hitler’s remains were burnt in 1970 on a bonfire outside the
town of Shenebeck, Germany. The ashes were supposedly collected and thrown
in the Biederitz River. It’s been 71 years and the world is still in the
dark about what happened to Hitler’s remains. The mystery has been shrouded
in secrecy since April 30th, 1945. After all this time, the answer is probably
lost for all time.
jew-fear
jew-fear
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