Adolf Hitler Speech: Löwenbräukeller Munich November 8 1940

[David York]

In Adolf Hitlers November 8, 1940 speech in Munich, he discusses his National Socialist party's rise to power. Prior to his rise to power, Germany was a nation in despair. The suicide rate was around 20,000 per year, and the will to live was almost non-existent.

Germany was an open bordered nation in which anyone could come into and gain equal rights of citizenship, any Jew, any Pole. This was in contrast to America at the time who had a strict immigration policy even though they had around 10 citizens per square kilometer, whereas Germany had over 130 citizens per square kilometer. He illustrated how he himself began the fight to rebuild Germany, one man with the will to fight the whole world by himself (see bold blue text), with no money, and no name he had encouraged a whole movement which eventually gained the support of the entire nation. He discusses the failure of Democracy in Germany, and the contempt from the outside world towards Germany because they chose an Authoritarian government. He discusses the way Germany solved it's financial crisis by transforming it from a gold based economy to a production based economy. He spoke of how Germany achieved stabilization of its currency without the backing of gold, but with the backing of production. He stresses that gold is an irrelevant commodity in a nation's economy and that gold based nations have gone bust while non-gold nations like his Germany was flourishing.

He discusses the warmonger Winston Churchill's insane policy of attacking German civilians through air war, and expresses his patience to retaliate by bombing English civilians by air, and his pity on the English civilians and says that they have Churchill to thank for this. He calls the Jews a stupid race of people and expresses his determination to rid them from their ranks. He blames international Jewry and a few democrats and Plutocrats in England and the rest of the world for waging war on Germany. Hitler wanted peace and Brotherhood with the English and other parts of Europe but Churchill and his Jews kept agitating for war. He made allies with Japan and Italy, but could not do so with England.



Adolf Hitler – speech in the Löwenbräukeller



Munich, November 8, 1940



Party Comrades!



We now celebrate once more the 9th of November, and as back then a rally unites us on the eve of this day. For us the year 1923 was a high-point in the struggle for power in Germany. This struggle, and hence the significance of the day which we are celebrating, can be comprehended only by those who reflect on the age in which we found ourselves then and who, above all, bring back before their eyes the historic events leading up to this gigantic struggle.

When we entered into the political life of the nation, our names were unknown. The majority of us - I at the top - did not even belong to a party. Most of them had been soldiers, returned from the war with great fury or despair in their hearts. The situation of our people, the German Reich, seemed to be a desperate one; for many a hopeless one. The Germany before the year 1914 is no longer our Germany. Nevertheless, we also feel connected with this Germany, for it has embodied the unity of a large part of the German people. It was a nation of work and also a nation of prosperity. after all, in the German Reich of that time, it can be seen, despite what may otherwise be said against it, the beginnings of social legislation. In this Germany, for the first time, problems were dealt with, which still today, almost thirty years later, the so-called democracies in their blindness and deafness, fail to tackle. Certainly these problems, as it was not conceivable in other way, were solved at that time, that is, the outright capitalist state was reluctantly and partly able to tackle the solution of social issues, that, if really successful, it had required that also the state, the national community, had already possessed a different face. That was not the case. But all the more remarkable was when you dealt with and tried to solve such problems with the existing opportunities.

Incidentally, the Germany at that time was still a nation of the democrats. In this country the democracy just celebrated greater orgies than anywhere else. It was the land of freedom. Anyone could do what and how he wanted. This freedom went so far that the boundaries of the former empire were kept openly free to everyone, not like in America, the so-called land of limitless freedom, because there every immigrant had to pass a very severe examination before the definite permission to enter this hallowed land of democracy was issued to him, although there were only ten people living on each square kilometer. In our nation, where even then already over 130 people lived on one square kilometer, no one has taken these measures. We were so free that every Jew, each Pole could come to our nation like that, and immediately gained full equality. Later Germany has had to pay dearly for that. At that time, it has accumulated those masses of international stamp and international origin that in 1918 brandished the banner of revolution. But above all the Germany of that time was without doubt a country of peace. People lived, people wanted to live. People earned, people wanted to earn. It was known that the war is, in general, poorly suited for earnings. People hoped for the peace to such an extent that in a period in which with no doubt already the next world armed against Germany let pass any favorable moment of confrontation. When the last came, it found Germany in the most unarmed possible condition.

I am not a critic of that time, even though I could be, since I have like no other drawn a lesson from the past history, and I have taken it to heart. And I have tried not to have any longer the German people facing a threat in a similar situation as at that time. And already at that time England was our enemy. When I say England, I know very well that even people and government are not one and the same. A small clique of international democrats, Jews and plutocrats dominates this country. And even then this clique has pursued the rubble-rousing propaganda to war. They are even the same individuals as today. Mr. Churchill of today was already one of the biggest warmongers. Some people, now old, did it back in his youth. The British agitators have even been able to mobilize the world against Germany. Then Came the war that Germany had not wanted. For it would have had better opportunities, if it had led this war at their own will. And although the armament of the German Reich at that time was a bad one - now we can express that quietly - yet this Germany of that time withstood over four years.

As a former soldier of the World War and present Supreme Commander of the German Wehrmacht, I can say: they [the Allies] would never have carried the victory over Germany back then, had not their allies broken us internally! Four years they labored. It was even necessary to summon an American sorcerer-priest (Zauberpriester) who found the formula which made it possible for the German Volk to fall for the word of honor of a foreign president.

If you later pretended as if we had also been defeated already, then you can only raise the question: Why then was the spirit called by which we should be deceived if it also succeeded? Germany was then thrown to the ground by a bunch of conspirators who in our own people and country were able to be up to mischief. And then we paid the penalty for our good faith. The 8th and 9th November 1918 and the following days will forever be a warning to our German people. Not a single promise of the victors of that time has been kept. The greatest ever breach of contract began. It began the period of suffering and misery, and hence of the despair in our nation. There was then many people who had no desire whatsoever to live. The suicide rate rose even to over 20,000 per year. Most thought of life as unworthy, there was no prospect of ever potentially achieving again the equality and thus the freedom of the German people. At that time our fight started. It was a nice fight, because it was a fight that was fought against all odds. The first time I made my appearance to this city and many of you, who are here today, began to fallow me, then I was abandoned by even my best friends. They could not understand how an otherwise reasonable person suddenly got into his head to fight alone against a whole world of realities. They said: What does this poor soul want? He has neither money nor does he have a name, he has behind him not even one single newspaper, he has no party. He has everything there is against him. He wants to fight for everything. He wants to fight against everything. He wants to fight the employers, and he wants to fight against the proletarians as well. He wants to fight against the current democratic Reich, and against the autonomous regions as well. He wants to fight against all of the religions. He wants to fight against the organized society, as we have today the societies of the capital, but just as well against the trade unions. There is absolutely nothing against which this man would not fight. He wants to build one new state, a new society, and has absolutely no one behind him. A madman who undertakes to go out alone and declare war on a whole solid majority in all areas! It was not so easy, this fight, and yet gradually the success began to show. Against the gagging methods as well as the methods of ridicule, mockery, and later against the flood of lies and slanders and finally against terror the young movement began to win through.

You have all lived through that. At that time, they have joined me one by one. Some in 1919, others in 1920 and 21. And then you have all had the inner feeling: we will win this fight for power in Germany anyway. It may be difficult. What speaks well for us is the reason, it is the correctness of our principles, it is the realization that the current state can not be maintained any longer, that it is only a matter of time if it breaks either way. It is further also the feeling of the need for a revaluation of many ideas. In the end there was also - I would almost say- a mystical belief in the immortality of our people, a people that would have been destroyed by the continuation of the given state. Thus we grew slowly. Regarded with indifference by some, persecuted with wrath by the others, hated by many, simply for laziness. How many citizens who watched us on the street from their windows had then a silent rage in them, because they said: "Always this unrest! if only they would stop in the end! Again and again it ends up in fighting, just because they keep on and on. They should be obedient, we are certainly obedient. One can think to themselves what one wants, but not speak out continuously to the crowds, but to keep to themselves. You can still be a worthy citizen. We also protest, but we protest within us, in silence and otherwise then with the spirit, but always the same on the violence! You know that the others are aggressive, so discretion is the better part of valor."

And at that time we were not discreet. I was not a boy. I have always rejected this principle of being discreet and therefore giving up, but I've always preferred not to give up, even at the risk that the others say: " He was not clever." So we have not given up... and have disturbed the peace of these citizens again and again, we have never submitted, but rebelled again and again, and have managed gradually to conquer the road for us, to conquer the squares, to get possession of one place after another. Then began the exile from our home area here.

It was a struggle but especially against the people who seemed to be almost omnipotent in our country, the struggle against Judaism. And he who is born today knows what that meant, absolutely not in the future. A satanic power had taken hold of our whole nation who had gripped in their hand all the key positions of the spiritual and intellectual life, but also of the political and economic life, and who monitored from these key positions the whole nation, a power that at the same time possessed the influence to persecute with the law those, if necessary, who undertook to join the fight against this power, and who were willing to oppose resistance to the advance of that power. The almighty Judaism has declared the war on us in those days. And you know, I have always defended the view that there is no more stupid a people than the Jewish people, certainly, there is no more unprincipled and more unscrupulous either. But I have always defended the view that the hour will come when we will remove this people from our ranks. This is a view that dominates me still today after we have triumphed in Germany. We have declared the war against everything that this state represented at that time, that led to this state, and were devoted to just one thing, namely, the German people. We have known only one goal: to be useful to the German people and to serve it, And then came the year 1923, and we made the first attempt to get into our hands the power of the state. The attempt failed and then the first victims have fallen. I have definitely considered this apparent collapse of 1923 as the beginning of the victory march. I was convinced that, after they did not manage to completely eradicate the movement, it would rise again and that then the martyrs of the 8th and 9th of November would help, to definitely move the movement forward and finally secure the victory. The opponents believed however, that hat was the end.

A few months later a new consolidation of the movement took place in the main, and a year later took place again, so to say, the rise of the movement. 1925 I left the party, and a few months were enough to fund the party again. And then began this astonishing war and fight and big triumph march to Germany. All the years 1925 and -26 and -27 and -28 and -29 and -30, they have been irrelevant for many others, so many people existed at that time on odds jobs and did not know what was going on around them, that one of the greatest revolutions of all times was on the way. This these citizens have not seen. But some proletarian leaders of the Social Democracy or the KPD have not understood that a radical change was gaining ground, walked on, on a massive scale.

We National Socialists have lived through all that. At that time we fought year after year, month after month, and we could see to our proud delight that the movement grew further and spread more and more until at last cane the year 1933 after the years 1931-32 which brought us the victory.

Maybe there was then some people - and we certainly know it, party members - who said: " Thank God, now we will have calm. " There were many who told me then: "You now have the power, now you'll surely stop fighting on the political arena." For these people, National Socialism was only a party phenomenon. They have certainly not understood the fight of the party ceased because the party had become meanwhile worldview and state, German Reich, but the battle for the German Would definitely be continued until the last German was submitted under the influence of this idea. And that could not be interrupted, but every year this struggle starts over again. And it had to start. The German youth was now won, year by year instructed, and this whole huge building of the National Socialist state set up. At the same time took place the great inner resurgence. And I can assure you all here the following. Your certainly know: I have never spoilt for a fight.

It had always been my goal, in my heart, to convince the Communist and Social Democratic fellow countryman and win him. I only fought when the others went into action against me with a clenched fist from the start, but then I said, "Comrade, I do not take a step back. Either you take the fist away or I'll break it for you, one of the two. I'm willing to discuss with you. If you come up to me with violence, then remember: I am not afraid of violence. We will fight each other and you will see we can be as violent as you are."

Thus, we have won millions of compatriots. Since then, we finally had 13 million voters, they did not come down from the moon. They were not just former non-voters, but they have been people who had come from all parties. We had gradually convinced them all. They have come together, they have got rid of their old prejudices towards each other, and have grown into a community. And I also came into power in 1933 with the exact same thought, "what could be better than to work in peace?" And we have worked; that we have proved. If someone says to me, "Yes, perhaps sometimes war is necessary in the political life to help a regime", yes, in democracies, but not in our case because I need no help. The German people stood behind me and stood behind the movement, as it never before stood behind any organization or any intellectual phenomenon. And we have worked. The things we have created until 1939! We have reconstructed a new state, strengthened a new economy, filled the German people with a new faith, rescued millions from despair, put our cities in order and turned around the financial crisis. Germany began to flourish. Certainly, we could live what we saw before the World War.

To the same extent, rose again the envy of the same men who at that time inflicted war on Germany. Churchill immediately began to agitate again. The Misters Eden and then of course the Jews, with Hore Belisha at the top, and the rest of them; they now began their rabble-rousing propaganda year after year. People said, "Yes, he is arming." Yes, that I have always done. People told me earlier: "Why do you then have an SA., if you want peace? Why are you then forming the SS if you just want the fraternity anyway?" Because there are people who do not want it, and I wanted to show them that I am also prepared for the other case as well.

When I came to power, I took over from a nation that was a democracy. Indeed, it is now sometimes shown to the world as if one would be automatically ready to give everything to the German nation if it were only a democracy. Yes, the German people was at that time a democracy before us, and it has been plundered and squeezed dry. No. what does democracy or authoritarian state mean for these international hyenas! That they are not at all interested in. They are only interested in one thing: Is anyone willing to let themselves be plundered? Yes or no? Is anyone stupid enough to keep quiet in the process? Yes or no? And when a democracy is stupid enough to keep quiet, then it is good. And when an authoritarian government declares: "You do not plunder our people any longer, neither from inside nor from outside," then that is bad. If we, as a so-called authoritarian state, which differs from the democracies by having the masses of the people behind it; if we as an authoritarian state had also complied with all the sacrifices that the international plutocrats encumbered us with; if I had said in 1933, "Esteemed Sirs in Geneva" or "Esteemed Sirs," as far as I am concerned, somewhere else, "what would you have do? Aha, we will immediately write it on the slate: 6 billion for 1933, 1934, 1935, all right we will deliver. Is there anything else you would like? Yes, Sir we will also deliver that" Then they would have said: "At last a sensible regime in Germany."

At that time I held a different view. When I came into power, there was a debt made out to us. That was the last one with something like 5 billion that we should have paid. I have then firmly resolved to pay nothing else. But I said to myself, "The people who had previously signed that we pay 5 billion to foreign countries, they were absolutely good at arithmetic", since people told me I was no arithmetician and that I knew nothing about economics, but those people must have certainly understood something. So when these people thought it possible that we would pay to foreign countries 5 billion in one year, then I said to myself, "In this case we could first spend the 5 billion at home in the German armament in any case." This is just a transfer of the amounts.

And I have so begun. And since you already know my old Party comrades, I never do anything half well. If I start something I go all the way. I was ready to make peace. I proposed to the others, "As far as I am concerned, disarmament to the last bit." If they had made that deal, that is OK too. They have not made that deal; so then arming. But then everything to the the last consequence. Nothing by halves! I hate nothing more than all half-compromises and all half-decisions. I have therefore taken the following decision: either we are no soldiers, or we are first in the world; one of the two!

And I have now made the preparations with regard to that, and thoroughly. The German people has not been deprived of nothing in the process anyway, on the contrary. We have incorporated over 7 million people into the production process, have brought half of the former workers - also about 7 million - from temporary work to a normal week's work, paid wages to all these people, kept the price of the currency stable, so that everyone could buy something for his money.

We have increased production to the maximum, always starting out from our National Socialist principles that the decisive factor in the economy is the existing capacity for work and the capacity to organize and employ it so that the basis of our currency can not be gold but instead production. That is, that it is entirely at our discretion to produce by industry and by work consumer goods and then let the people benefit from them, whilst preventing just as can be prevented by lazing around. we could then see that the so-called "gold-states" went bust with their currencies, while we, the no-gold state, kept the currency stable. Of course this was naturally a very dangerous thing, because some other countries have now hoarded and accumulated gold. And now it is imperative to spread throughout the world the realization, and actually a practically proven realization, that is, that gold is in itself completely irrelevant; that one can live without gold exactly as good as with gold, or possibly better. This recognition can be dangerous for those who saw in gold a key element for their struggle for power and always rated and exploited it based on that element.

It is not that our hard work in our homeland has reassured the rest of the world. On the contrary, the rest of the world has certainly been incensed over this fight in our homeland. First they hoped that we perished. I remember, as I came to power, people saying: "Six weeks, eight weeks, we can wait." After three months, they said: "Something has to happen, he does not go."

And then they wanted to do something. I then defended myself, and they know full well the measures we had to take even in the first year, 1933. I went out of the League of Nations and the Disarmament Conference because, as I realized, they wanted to put a noose around my neck. This way they could not harm me any more for the time being. Besides, I have naturally pushed further for the arming. It came in 1934, and in March 1934 I gave the order for the tripling of our army. Then began the international war with all means against us, at home and abroad. Attempted revolutions at home, attempts at a general encirclement from abroad, time and again the prophecies: if you do not perish politically, you will perish economically.

I do not know how many people have prayed at that time, insofar as they believed in God, that He should send us a bad harvest, or that our measures should not succeed in our efforts to eliminate unemployment. They were so mesmerized by their won wish that they brainwashed themselves into believing the fulfillment of this wish.

They said, "It can not be otherwise. They must bust economically." And they have given themselves such a long time that in the end they believed it. They wrote constantly that we perished. The various stages of the collapse were described one by one. Furthermore, it was then clearly proved that the German people turned away from us, especially from me, that I slowly became a lonely man. And then suddenly we had an election, and then it turned out that instead of 94 now 98 per cent stood behind me.

They were naturally embittered and angered by this development and began to deliberately try to drive us into a corner through international conspiracies. This has, my party comrades, led to the same result as the similar attempt inside our country. You know well: roughly in the year 1925, -26, -27 started the plot of a general conspiracy against National Socialism. They went arm in arm at that time, from the left to the right, the greatest extremes met each other. Capitalism with the so -called international- style Socialism, they walked together. Jobbers on the one hand, and Marxists on the other. Arm in arm against the hated National Socialists. And at that time I knew only one cure: to get tough with determination, grit my teeth and begin the fight.

I took the same stand in our struggle abroad. Any such new intrigue, any new attempt to mobilize states against us through treaties and agreements, only led to my accelerating armament. I was firmly determined to risk it all. Without interruption the struggle went on with the objective of eliminating the Versailles Treaty. For, my Party Comrades, this I had to do if I were not to be a liar. After all, what did we fight for? When we made our first appearances in the years 1920–21 and 1922, our program was the elimination of Versailles. I could not all of a sudden say: forget about it.



I was determined to make Germany free once again. I led this struggle step by step. And, honestly, I had the ambition of maintaining the peace. From a multitude of rallies and publications, you know of the foreign policy conception I embraced at the time: I wished to establish close bonds of friendship with England. I thought the Germanic races had to come together. I wanted the same relationship to Italy. And further I thought of Japan as a power with interests parallel to our own. As far as Italy was concerned, this attempt succeeded thanks to the ingenious actions of the man who founded Fascism and who was victorious in the same struggle in his country which we National Socialists were confronted with in Germany. And, in the last instance, we succeeded with Japan also.



However, we met with failure regarding England, in striking contrast to our own desires. It was not our fault. To the contrary, I attempted, up to the last minute, until a few days prior to the outbreak of war, to realize my original foreign policy objective. At the time, I made the British Ambassador the greatest offers. I was willing to cooperate with England. But it was in vain. I had already realized at the time that certain war profiteers had been agitating for years without anyone putting an end to this business. There could be no doubt that one day they would bring the British people to hate and to be furious with Germany. And meanwhile, the German Volk would harbor no hatred for England. And thus, one fine day, Germany would have stumbled into a war without any psychological preparation. I already warned of this in the years 1938 and 1939, and most notably, in my speech at Saarbrucken, I emphasized that things could not go on in this manner. If England persisted in this campaign of hatred, then I would be forced to put German propaganda to use.



And thus came the day when it was no longer a question whether war could be avoided, but rather whether it could be postponed for one, two, or three years. This would have been possible only through the most severe humiliation of Germany. And one thing you must understand here, my Party Comrades: on the day I realized that England was only stalling for time, that they were determined to wage war under any circumstance, which was openly revealed in the statements of British statesmen, on that day, I had but one desire: if they were determined to declare war on us, then at least, so I hoped, they should do this during my lifetime. For I knew this would be the toughest of all struggles ever forced on the German Volk. Now not only do I imagine myself to be the toughest man the German Volk has possessed for decades, perhaps even centuries, but I also possess the greatest authority. Above all, I believe in my success, and I believe in it without reserve! I am firmly convinced that this battle will end not a whit differently from the battle I once waged internally.



I am convinced that Providence has led me up to this point and has held all trials at a distance, so that I could wage this battle for the German Volk. And finally, I did go through the Great War myself, and I belong to those who were cheated of the victory back then. And therefore it is my unshakeable resolve that this battle shall end differently from the battle back then.



When I spoke to you in the past year, the first phase of this battle lay behind us. In eighteen days, our Wehrmacht crushed Poland. Others had imagined things would develop quite differently. They had been convinced that the battle would last six, eight, or ten months. They said to themselves: “Wars with decisive results are no longer possible. Under the best of circumstances, trench warfare will ensue. A front will be erected in the East, and this will slowly bleed Germany to death. Meanwhile, the West will arm. Then the summer of 1940 will come, and then one will move up through Belgium and the Netherlands to the Ruhr territory frontier. And, then slowly one will master Germany.” That is how they imagined things. And besides this, they believed that only a few weeks later-we have heard as much from all sides-a revolution would break out in Germany. This, moreover, would lead to destitution. They had not an inkling of the extent of our armament and believed that I was bluffing just as they have been trying to bluff us for years. They did not think anyone would really do what he said he would. Therefore they were convinced that this war would be a relatively easy one for them.



A year ago, as I mentioned earlier, Poland was eliminated. And thus we thwarted their plans a first time. I was able to refer to this great success on November 8, 1939. Today, one year later, I have further successes to report! This, first and foremost, only he who himself served as a soldier in the Great War, can appreciate fully as he knows what it means not only to crush the entire West within a few weeks, but also to take possession of Norway up to the North Cape, from where a front is drawn today from Kirkenes down to the Spanish border.



All the hopes of the British warmongers were then torn asunder. For they had intended to wage war on the periphery, to cut off the German vital lines, and slowly strangle us. The reverse has come true! This continent is slowly mobilizing, in reflecting upon itself, against the enemy of the continent. Within a few months, Germany has given actual freedom to this continent. The British attempt to “Balkanize” Europe-and of this the British statesmen should take note-has been thwarted and has ended! England wanted to disorganize Europe. Germany and Italy will organize Europe.



Now in England they may declare that the war is going on, but I am completely indifferent to this. It will go on until we end it! And we will end it, of this they can be sure! And it will end in our victory! That you can believe! I realize one thing. If I had stepped up as a prophet on January 1 of this year to explain to the English: by the spring of this year, we will have ruined your plan in Norway, and it will not be you in Norway, but Germany; in the summer of this same year you will no longer be in the Netherlands or come to the Netherlands, but we will have occupied it; in the same summer you will not have advanced through Belgium to the German borders, but we will be at yours; and if I had said: by this summer, there will be no more France; then, all would have said: “The man is insane.” And so I shall cease from making any further prophecies today. I would merely like to give a few explanations to the German Volk. The struggle up to now has led to results of an unequaled nature:



1. In terms of personnel. As bitter as it was for the individual family which had to make the sacrifice, it has cost the German Volk practically no sacrifices. In sum, the sacrifices we made in this war are not as big as those which the War of 1870–71 cost us. Indeed, they are barely half of this number.



In terms of personnel our calculations were upset insofar as we did not have to touch the earmarked, gigantic reserve armies, which we had counted on as replacements for losses. Many men with long service records could thus be dismissed. And still, mostly through the younger grades, we were in a position to strengthen the Wehrmacht at the same time. In terms of personnel the German Army looks completely different today from how it looked in the World War. Only a few days ago, I drove through Belgium and France, and as an old soldier of the World War, I must say our Wehrmacht looks magnificent today, irrespective of whether we are talking about the Army, Navy, Luftwaffe, or Waffen SS. All look equally handsome. They cannot be compared to those of the years 1914 or 1915.



2. In material terms, I prepared for this war as no other war has been prepared for. It was well worth it. The material sacrifices of this war are of no consequence. The ammunition we have used up in battle up to now is the equivalent of barely a month’s production. The reserves are so enormous, that in many areas I had to halt production because there is no further storage room available. I have redirected production into other areas where I believe it to be important that we be especially strong. You have heard the others’ threats of what they all will produce: Australia has six or seven million inhabitants, including Bushmen. And in spite of this, they want to produce eight times as many airplanes as Germany. Canada has nine million inhabitants. Now they want to build twelve times as many airplanes as Germany. As far as American production is concerned, astronomical figures do not suffice to describe it. In this realm, I do not want to enter into the competition. But one thing I can assure you of: we can mobilize all of Europe’s forces.



German productive capacities are the highest in the world. And we will not leave matters at that, since we are in a position today to mobilize the forces of nearly all of Europe-and that I am doing this in the industrial sphere you can take for granted! Our material armament therefore is enormous, and it is just beginning to grow. Even though we have prepared this industrial mobilization for years, as you know, the initial push-in terms of greater figures-will only come about in another one to one and a half years. And this is the case now.



And, summing up, I may say one thing: we are better prepared for the future than ever before. We are prepared in terms of material, and we are prepared in terms of personnel. And that the Wehrmacht makes the most of every day, this anyone who himself served as a soldier knows well. Not a day is lost. This foremost military instrument of the world is being attended to and improved without a moment’s interruption. And when the hour of large-scale operations comes once again, then I hope we shall achieve exactly the same results we have in the past. We have prepared everything in the most thorough manner in order to act quickly and daringly! And the hour will come in which those gentlemen, whose mouths have already conquered the world once again, will have to take up arms. And then we will see who has put these months to better use: we or the others! Germany with its allies, at any rate, is strong enough to face off any combination in the world. There is no coalition of powers which is militarily equal to ours! Economically speaking, the long preparations of peacetime have proved well worth the effort: the Four-Year Plan, which we recently prolonged for another four years, has created large reserves for us. The Englishmen know this quite well; otherwise they would not have cursed us so vividly because of it. It was to render us invulnerable to attempts at isolation or blockade. Besides this, it remains to be seen who will be blockaded a few months hence: we or the others! I believe that in some spheres, the English have been dissuaded from lying.



Mr. Churchill, who only eight and six months ago declared, “Within one month, we will have destroyed fifty percent of their U-boats,” was not able to say as much the next month, i.e. another fifty percent, because then none of them would have been left. So the next month, the hits accounted for only thirty percent. A month later he could not say twenty percent, but had to content himself with ten percent. And now this General Liar of World History (Generallugner der Weltgeschichte) is beginning to admit that there appear to be more of our U-boats than there were in the beginning.



He can believe me: there are more now! He has no idea how many more there are! We will yet challenge them, these international, capitalist liars. And we will live to see it: one day there will be no more Churchill, but more and more German U-boats.



And now that he could no longer disclaim the gist of this, this most ingenious strategist ever born has fastened on the war in the air. For this has been quite an ingenious idea of Mr. Churchill’s-of all places in a weapons category in which England is the weakest in comparison to us-to launch the war in the air. You know that for years I made proposals to the world to forsake bombing in warfare especially against civilian populations.



England has declined this, perhaps in anticipation of the ensuing development. Be that as it may! In spite of this, I did not allow battles to be waged against civilian populations in this war. In the war with Poland, I did not order nightly raids on Polish cities, since at night you cannot really hit your target with much accuracy. I allowed attacks to be carried out mostly during the day and only against military targets. I did the same in Norway. I did the same in the Netherlands, in Belgium, and in France. And then Mr. Churchill suddenly had the idea, since the Royal Air Force could not penetrate German air space during the day, to terrorize the German civilian population with attacks by night.



You know that I am a patient man, my Party Comrades! I stood by for eight days. They dropped bombs on the civilian population along the Rhine. They dropped bombs on the civilian population in Westphalia. And I stood by for fourteen days and thought to myself: the man is insane! He is introducing a type of warfare here which can lead only to England’s destruction. When the war in the West came to an end, I extended my hand once more to England. Once again I was chided in the most despicable fashion and spat on. Mr. Halifax behaved like a man gone mad. Well! They stepped up the bomb attacks. Again I waited.



I must say it was becoming increasingly difficult for me. For many came to me who said: “How long do you still intend to wait, Fuhrer? They are not going to stop by themselves.” I waited three months altogether, and then one day I issued the order: alas, I am taking up this battle, and I am taking it up with the determination with which I always step up to do battle. That means: to fight to the last from now on! They wanted a fight; they shall have a fight! They wanted to destroy Germany in the war in the air. I will show them who shall be destroyed.



The English people, whom I can only pity, can thank the common criminal Churchill for this. Mr. Churchill has produced the greatest military nonsense in this fight for which a statesman or warlord ever was responsible! He fought with the weapon which is his weakest. He fought from a position which has been geographically disadvantageous to England ever since we have held Trondheim and Brest. It was the weakest position which England could possibly maintain. We will persevere in this fight. I regret that it will demand sacrifices on our part as well. But I do know National Socialist Germany. Only Mr. Churchill does not know it. There is a big difference. He believed he could weary the German Volk. He completely forgot that now a different Germany has come into being. This Germany becomes all the more zealous with every bomb that is dropped. Its resolve is merely strengthened. Above all, it knows: this nonsense must be done away with once and for all. And in this, we are determined.



When Mr. Chamberlain was here in Munich in 1938 and hypocritically presented his peace proposals to me, this man had already decided for himself to proclaim immediately after his return: “I have been granted a postponement, and now let us arm until we can attack Germany.” We are quite aware that any ceasefire agreement today would be just that: a ceasefire agreement. They would hope that in a few years I would no longer stand at the helm of this Reich and that then the fight could begin anew.



Hence it is my unalterable resolve to see this conflict through to a clear decision. Just as I rejected compromise in my struggle for Germany as a National Socialist, so I reject compromise here as well.



I extended my hand often-in vain. They wanted this fight; now they shall have it! The German Volk will see this fight through to the end! The danger that it might erupt again within one or two or three years, after a period of heightened tension, must be removed. The German Volk wants to have peace finally. It wants a peace that allows it to work and which does not allow international scoundrels to agitate among other peoples against us. These are the folks who make their fortunes through war. I have no reason to wage war for material considerations. For us, it is but a sad enterprise: it robs us, the German Volk and the whole community, of so much time and manpower. I do not possess any stocks in the armament industry; I do not earn anything in this war.



I would be happy if we could work again as I used to work for my Volk. But these international war criminals are at the same time the armament industry’s greatest black marketeers. They own the factories, they make business. They are the same people we had here in Germany earlier. There can be but one confrontation with these people: one of us must break. And this one will not be, under any circumstances, Germany! And if this Germany today possesses a different attitude, this is because National Socialism has pulled the German Volk up by its bootstraps again. It has created the mental, psychological, moral, and also material conditions for the enormous victories by the Wehrmacht of our young Reich. Every soldier knows it and must know that the armies which today march beneath our banner are the revolutionary armies of the Third Reich! They carry in their hearts not only faith in a Germany as it once was, but they carry in their hearts the faith in a Germany as we all imagine it will be in the future, for which we have fought so long, the faith in a better Reich, in which the great goals of our national and social Movement shall be realized.



And that we possess such a Germany today, this we owe to those who marched in the year 1923 and, above all, to those who then, as the first, shed their blood for the Movement. These sixteen dead are more than simply sixteen dead! They became the crown witnesses for a new resurrection of our Volk.



Their sacrifice was all the greater, for back then they could yet barely perceive in their faintest fantasies what has come into being since. Then they acted out of a boundless love for Germany. When someone came to join the Movement then, one could only say to him: “You can give up everything else, since you will be laughed at and ridiculed and persecuted. You must be aware that you will be without bread, that they will throw you out of everywhere. You will have nothing of which you can be certain, other than death perhaps.



But you see before you something for which we all fight. It is a new Germany of honor which we will resurrect and which will secure for its sons their daily bread. And it will take a place once more in this world which it deserves, based on the number of its people, its historical past, and our former, present, and future worth.” And all these men came to take their places. Many of them felt this but subconsciously. There were so many common folk in this Movement. We were avoided like the plague by those who held themselves to belong to the intelligentsia or the upper middle classes. We were avoided like the plague by them, so that the greater number of those who joined our ranks were mostly mere common people. Perhaps they had not so clear a vision of what was to come. They only knew: one day things will be better.



Things will be better one day, because we will build up a new Reich. And in this Reich much will be realized that our foes actually yearn for deep inside themselves, without realizing that following along the path on which they have set out, they shall never be able to achieve it.



For this these men stood up, and for this sixteen of them gave their lives back then.



They were sixteen, although they might equally well have been five hundred or five thousand, and not one of them uttered a complaint. Not even the wounded betrayed the cause. To the contrary, the wounded all the more eagerly became Party comrades once again, all the more zealous than before! And in the footsteps of these sixteen many hundred followed, here and beyond the borders of the Reich. They followed along the path of martyrs for years, for nearly a decade. Their numbers were the greatest in the Ostmark and the Sudetenland perhaps-all the stronger was their belief because the battle seemed the most hopeless there. How could all these common folk surmise the course of history as it has now truly come to pass? How could they foresee the miracle which would return them home gloriously to a great Reich one and a half or two decades later? Still they fought, with a faithful heart, without knowing precisely if this would come to pass during their own lives.



And all this took its beginning from this November 8, and November 9, 1923. And so we celebrate the commemoration of these men, all the more profoundly moved today than even then, since all of them bore in their hearts the disgrace of the collapse of the year 1918–19. And this disgrace gnawed at their hearts and upset them. How often did we sit together, aglow with the one thought: this must be repaired in our history: this cannot last and this cannot remain! Otherwise the German Volk would be burdened with this blemish for all time! We will erase this from the book of our history! We will wash it away again! We will resurrect a Germany of might, power, and magnificence.



Germany must be resurrected, one way or another! And in this spirit we fought.



In this spirit they fell. In this spirit the battle continued to be waged. And in this spirit we face the outside world today, and we will complete that for which they fell back then. They [the World Powers] believe they are destroying Germany. They will be proved mistaken! Germany will rise from the battle all the more!

[Michael1488]

A great speech by Hitler. Not only was Churchill a warmonger, but Germany had to bite its lip when the Jewish controlled U.S. regime of Franklin Roosevelt were constantly making provocations before the false-flag of Pearl Harbor for Hitler to attack America. Germany did not fall for it, however.

One main reason International Jewry were frothing at the mouth and launched a world war against Germany is spelled out clearly in this speech. Germany had cleverly broken away from the Jewish World Economy of money based on Gold. The Jews went postal at this, and the result was another fratricidal conflict between the European Nations.

[David York]

And that we possess such a Germany today, this we owe to those who marched in the year 1923 and, above all, to those who then, as the first, shed their blood for the Movement. These sixteen dead are more than simply sixteen dead! They became the crown witnesses for a new resurrection of our Volk.



Their sacrifice was all the greater, for back then they could yet barely perceive in their faintest fantasies what has come into being since. Then they acted out of a boundless love for Germany. When someone came to join the Movement then, one could only say to him: “You can give up everything else, since you will be laughed at and ridiculed and persecuted. You must be aware that you will be without bread, that they will throw you out of everywhere. You will have nothing of which you can be certain, other than death perhaps.

Yeah I find the above passage towards the end of the speech quite inspirational. November 8th and 9th marked the high point of Hitler's party in 1923 when 16 of his comrades lost their lives for the NS movement. The members of Hitler's party at that time, those that joined in Hitler's struggle did so "out of a boundless love for Germany". When someone joined Hitler at the time they were guaranteed to lose everything else, to be laughed at and persecuted. They even had the prospect of not having bread and being "thrown out of everyplace", the only thing Hitler's men had for certain was "perhaps death".

This is pretty inspirational, I kind of draw parallels from that to the way a patriotic American would be shunned the same way and be economically ruined by the Jews, blackballed, slandered, made fun of, etc, etc. As the Jews are currently doing to many of our greatest contemporary Patriots. If one can look to Hitler and draw inspiration from his struggle in comparison to our struggle today, one can imagine great things can be accomplished.