Prospectus for a National Front

Mike Sullivan

Prospectus for a National Front

Post by Mike Sullivan » Wed Jan 22, 2014 3:36 am

Dr.William Pierce

The following document is the original prospectus for the organization that later became the National Alliance. It contains a great deal of sound thinking about political organizing and goes to refute some of the witless parodies of “vanguardism” being bandied about. Some questions that come to mind: How closely does this prospectus correspond to the actual National Alliance? Do the divergences represent failures to implement this prospectus or changes in plan or both?

August 31, 1970

Introduction

America today — and, more specifically, the American people — face the most serious and deadly menace which has arisen in their entire history. This menace far overshadows that posed by any war we have fought, any economic catastrophe through which we have passed, or any previous domestic strife which has torn us. For today we are faced not just with a threat to our territorial integrity, or to our material possessions, or to our way of life, or even to our own lives, but to something far dearer. Today all that we ever have been and all that we ever might be — our race itself — is threatened with extinction.

Everyone to whom this is addressed is already fully aware of that grim fact and, furthermore, understands the reasons why. Yet, despite this fairly widespread recognition of the threat — a recognition which has been present for many years now — virtually no effective defensive measures have been undertaken by any segment of the American people — neither by the racially oriented “radical right” nor by “responsible” right wingers nor by anyone else.

Certainly none of the presently existing conservative or right-wing or anti-communist or racist organizations in America, regardless of the militant stance and revolutionary pretensions of a few of them, can by any reasonable stretch of the imagination be seriously considered as a basis for building the sort of large-scale revolutionary movement we must build within the very near future if we are to maintain our racial integrity and survive as a people. This is not because none of these organizations espouse good principles or have proper goals; many do. They simply are not constituted in such a way and do not work in such a way that it is feasible for them to achieve their goals. Their long-established and unbroken record of failure is the best evidence of this fact.

About the only good thing which can be said of all these little groups is that they do generate quite a flood of pamphlets, leaflets, bulletins, newsletters, and other printed materials which express some excellent sentiment. But even here it is largely an incestuous sort of affair, in which the propaganda — and the sentiment — are circulated largely within the same vaguely defined “movement” in which they were born. Any real contact or rapport with the general population is absent. And this lack of contact with the public is not due simply to problems of distribution or a lack of access to the mass media. Most movement literature would fail to evoke a sympathetic response front “the masses” even if it could be placed regularly in their hands. It is, for the most part, too esoteric, too introverted, and too “kooky” to strike a responsive chord among the general public.

Instead of genuine political organizations the groups which constitute “the movement” are, in most cases, clubs, cliques, societies, or cults. They each tend to have quite narrow and specific organizational personalities to which they require every new member to conform. They each have a unique “way to do it,” which they insist is the only correct path to salvation. As a matter of fact, these various programs for victory seldom have much to do with reality. They are based more on daydreams and theory than on hardheaded political thinking.

Above all, each group or party at least subconsciously regards itself as an end rather than merely as a revolutionary and expedient means. Belonging to the group, carrying a membership card, attending meetings, and learning to parrot the group’s slogans and the “party line” serve as a fulfillment for most members, with relatively little worry being wasted about the meaning or relevance of the group’s abilities and the lack of any real political progress.

It may be said of the major (i.e., successful) political parties that they consist almost entirely of men devoid of principles or ideals, of men governed completely by materialism, opportunism, and selfishness. But, at least, these men are adults who know what they want and know how to go about getting it. Politics is not a game or a diversion for them, but a deadly serious business.

The movement, on the other hand, is filled with overgrown children whose main occupation is talking about what things will be like “when we come to power.” This escapism and lack of maturity extends from the ranks on up to the highest levels. There is a superabundance of talk and wishful thinking and virtually no constructive action to bring the dreamed—about power any closer to realization.

Idealism, of course, is an essential ingredient of any movement which hopes to secure the future of our race. But the idealism must go hand-in-hand with clear-sighted realism — not escapism.

One evidence of the lack of realism among the leaders of the radical right (including National Socialist and other racially oriented groups) appears whenever their failure to recruit more than a relative handful of followers is mentioned. The standard defense is: “Yes, but we have a ‘hard core’ who are really dedicated to our particular goals. Numbers aren’t really important; what counts is quality, etc.” Usually this is nothing but self-deception, for there is nothing about having a large number of followers which precludes selecting front that following a hard core of the most capable and most dedicated. But without real masses of people there will never be any real power. And more often than not, where the following is tiny the “hard core” doesn’t exist either; it is more a clique of especially persistent misfits or crackpots than the makings of a functional cadre.

If the appeal of a group is narrow, only a narrow response can be expected from the public. If certain aspects of a group’s appeal limit public response by creating a crankish, redneck, or unrealistic image, then those aspects should be curtailed or eliminated — regardless of how dear they may be to the hearts of the “hard core.”

The overall state of affairs confronting us in the movement is certainly sad, although perhaps not unnatural or surprising.

The standard remedy, which has been repeatedly put forth, is a coalition to harness and synchronize the randomly directed organizational energy which does exist. Such a coalition has not worked in the past. Furthermore, it will not work in the future, because the various groups making up the movement will not co-operate through any common sense of idealism. Their particular idealisms are simply too narrow, in general, to overlap. Jealousy and organizational loyalties in the long run defeat every serious plan for large-scale collaboration.

And even if these difficulties could be overcome by convincing representatives of the various organizations that it would be to their advantage to collaborate, it is doubtful whether anything useful would emerge from such collaboration. For one does not create strength simply by joining a number of weaknesses. A new approach is needed which avoids from the beginning the pitfalls which have rendered present and past organizations ineffective.

Criteria for a new effort:

The first thing which must be clearly defined is the goal of any new political effort. Our political goal must be nothing more or less than the building of a power base for a White people’s revolution led by National Socialists. Keeping this single objective always in mind, we must be prepared to use whatever methods and take whatever path will lead us most surely to that objective.

In particular, ideology must never be used to establish tactical criteria. Anything which brings us closer to our goal, which enhances our political strength, is acceptable. If respectable tactics are called for, then no fear of being labeled bourgeois must deter us. Likewise, if illegality and terrorism are called for, no charge of “bolshevism” must be allowed to cause us to hesitate.

This doesn’t mean, of course, that we should not apply our experience and our judgment in establishing tactical guidelines; it simply means that those guidelines should not be influenced by doctrinal considerations.

In most cases now the wrong tactics are being used simply because they are not based on a thorough understanding of and an intimate contact with the public to be influenced and recruited. It may be depressing and discouraging to realize what that public is like, what is important to them, and what it takes to move them, but only from such knowledge can proper tactical decisions and consequent revolutionary progress come. Decisions made on a theoretical basis, in isolation — or only in contact with other members of the movement — will almost certainly be wrong. We can at this time, however, establish at least two criteria for tactics to be used in a new effort: one pertaining to the utilization of leadership personnel and one pertaining to the recruiting of members and supporters.

In the first case, we must recognize that there is a dearth of capable leaders in the movement. Mature, experienced, and capable revolutionary leaders — on our side — are almost non-existent. And, yet, we cannot sit back and wait for Providence to send us another Adolf Hitler to unify our people. We must do what needs to be done now, without any great and charismatic leader, but using as best we can the presently available leadership material.

Actually, there is more good human material in the movement which is simply floating loose, without any strong organizational attachments, than is definitely bound to the various groups. If we simply round up the best of this material and launch another party, however, then this new party will very quickly find itself one among many in the rat race, competing with others for the money and brains and bodies in the right wing and neglecting the development of a genuine mass movement. This is what happens despite the best of prior intentions, for, once in the day-to-day struggle to keep a small party afloat, the waves become so big that even the most farsighted of leaders tends to lose sight of the ocean.

The above considerations should not discourage us from starting new organizations, but they should instead encourage us to invent some new ways of going about things so that we make better use than heretofore of our scarcest resource — leadership.

A second criterion follows from a look at the extraordinarily successful tactics of our enemies. They are achieving their aims in America with the collaboration of a substantial portion of the American people — and, yet, the American people remain firmly anti-communist in sentiment. The secret lies in the use of fronts.

Consider as an example the massive anti-Vietnam demonstrations of the past two years. These demonstrations have been planned, organized, and led by people — racially alien, for the most part — whose avowed aim is to destroy America and the American people. Yet, probably fewer than five percent of the participants in these demonstrations have been hardcore communists. Probably no more than 15 or 20 percent of them have been Jews (excepting campus demonstrations, where Jewish participation is generally between 40 and 60 percent). Almost none of them have been Negroes. The overwhelming majority of them have been ordinary, essentially decent Americans — our own people — who don’t even realize that the clenched-fist salute they have mindlessly raised in these demonstrations is the long-established trademark of an alien, Bolshevik cult which has butchered tens of millions of our people and enslaved hundreds of millions more. When they march in one of these demonstrations, they do not think of themselves as furthering the cause of communism, but as merely showing opposition to an unpopular war.

And what has worked for undermining American morale in the Indochina war has also worked for a hundred other projects. The enemy is able to coordinate a huge amount of activity without any single, rigid, formalized structure which can be readily counter-attacked. And he is able to do this with relatively small numbers of hard-core leadership personnel. But, most importantly, he is able to enlist for his purpose great masses of the American public, because he does not insist that everyone who helps his cause along must swear allegiance to Mao Tse-tung and carry a Communist Party card, or some other unnecessary foolishness.

For his one unholy end he mobilizes brainwashed collegiate liberals, who believe they are working for more individual freedom; parlor pinks, who believe they are struggling for “social justice”; alienated kids, who are looking for excitement and a chance to smash something; frustrated women, who think they need to be liberated; pacifists, who believe they are working for peace; priests, who believe they are helping “humanity”; and lots of plain, old-fashioned materialists and opportunists, who believe they see in a Judaized, bolshevized, and mongrelized world the “wave of the future.”

The enemy works his will through thousands of separate groups, very few of which appear on the Attorney General’s list of Subversive Organizations. Each group, whether the Ad Hoc Committee to Free the Catonsville Nine or the Kerner Commission or the Ripon Society, has its own particular rationale, but each in its own way is “coordinated” into the overall effort. This coordination is seldom something so dramatic or direct as receiving a sealed and coded packet of orders each month from New York or Tel Aviv, but it exists, nevertheless. And it exists without most of the rank and file really being conscious of it most of the time, even though it is no real secret.

One or the lessons for us in this is that the American people, for the most part, are not interested — or as interested — in the great, vital, world-historical issues of our time as they are in more mundane, parochial, immediate, and personal issues. Even when they do become emotionally involved in a vital issue, the involvement will nearly always be peripheral and personal. For example, the average American who is concerned about the race issue today is deeply concerned only about some highly particular aspect of the issue: Negro vandalism in his neighborhood, or racial fights in his child’s junior high school, or the effect of Negro welfare programs on his property taxes. But he does not relate his specific concerns to the more general problem. He may respond to an appeal to do something about Negro vandalism in River City, but not to an appeal to put a permanent and worldwide end to the threat of miscegenation. Since we have neither the time nor the resources to educate them and change them now, we must begin by taking our fellow men as they are and moving them by means of the handles that are already on them.

Another lesson for us in the enemy’s use of the “united front” strategy is that a diversity of people with a diversity of interests — sometimes even conflicting interests — can be directed toward a single goal, not so much by presenting that goal, as such, to everyone concerned, but rather by representing (or even misrepresenting) the goal in a particular way to each particular element of the united front.

Thus, when we are attempting to organize policemen, who have learned to hate all “revolutionaries,” we should not talk about building a revolution — even a “White people’s revolution” — but, instead, about fighting bolshevism and anarchy, perhaps about building White solidarity. On the other hand, when talking to radicalized university students we can speak much more freely of smashing the System and building a new order, although we might wish to be more discreet in talking about racial matters to students than to policemen.

That is what we must carefully consider and then to use – not ignore – the prejudices and special interests of each element in the population to which we wish to appeal. This does not mean that we cannot go much further and be much more frank with promising individuals in any group than with the group as a whole. This further development of selected individuals — of policemen who can understand and accept the need for revolution, of students who are racially as well as socially motivated — is absolutely necessary, in fact, to provide reliable leadership for the various groups.

We must always remember that our immediate aim is power — the capability for mobilizing and directing the energies of large masses of people. In order to do this we don’t have to compete with the Democrats and Republicans for blandness or mediocrity. But we do have to avoid isolating ourselves from the public with programs and images so radical that only a small fraction of one percent will respond.

We must attract quantity — in which alone the power lies — and then extract from that quantity those individuals suitable for a cadre. We need both the masses and the cadre — neither alone will suffice.

A final lesson from the united front is that, properly operated, it allows the most efficient use of human resources. A relatively small number of top-echelon people — planners, tactical specialists, liaison men — are able to coordinate and guide, even if indirectly, the activities of hundreds of thousands of individuals in thousands of separate organizations. The day-to-day affairs of the various organizations are handled by members of the organizations themselves; the coordination and general guidance, on the other hand, is provided by leaders who do not become entangled in these affairs and, thus, are able to exercise their skills freely and effectively.

A National Front

What suggests itself, then, to meet our two criteria of mass recruitment and effective use of leadership personnel, is a National Socialist analogue of the Reds’ united front. This would involve, instead of simply forming another party, the building of a two-level political structure.

First, there would be formed a political superstructure, consisting solely of a working staff of experienced leaders — organizers, propagandists, fund raisers, and persons of demonstrated competence in a few other essential areas — and totally dedicated to the single Job of guiding and aiding the building of a White people’s revolution in America.

The immediate task of this superstructure would be to spark the formation of a political infrastructure, based on the broadest possible spectrum of White Americans: liberals and conservatives, longhairs and hardhats, policemen and student radicals, truck-drivers, businessmen, and housewives.

The infrastructure would necessarily consist of many organizations, rather than one. The reason for this is that a single party is expected to have a single, well-defined character; it cannot behave one way in Chicago and another way in Detroit. But an infrastructure consisting of a number of separate groups, linked only through the superstructure, is ideally geared to exploit a variety of situations. A National Front could, for example, coordinate the activities of one group of middle-class property owners in New Jersey, for whom “respectability” might be a prime consideration, with another group of blue-collar workers in Michigan, for whom rough-and-ready activism night be the keynote.

Whereas a party, by its nature, needs a more specific program than merely White solidarity and revolutionary change and also binds its leaders to that specific program, a National Front would allow its talent to be used on a broader front, to exploit a wider range of possibilities, and to mobilize more people through a variety of appeals.

A National Front can form and coordinate more-or-less permanent groups: the East Side Citizens’ Association, the National Policemen’s League, or Students for a New Order; and it can also quickly exploit new opportunities with strictly ad hoc groups: Cleveland Citizens for Impeaching Stokes, Committee for Justice in Palestine, or Richmond Mothers to End Terror in Our Schools. – And it can do both these things at the same time, while keeping its eye on the single, continuing task of building the revolution. While individual parties and groups have their ups and downs, some dying and the best surviving, the National Front maintains its continuity of purpose.

This prospectus is too brief to describe in detail the various activities to be expected of a National Front staff. Only a few suggestive examples can be offered here: In addition to providing regular counseling, outlining of monthly group projects, and so on, National Front organizers can solve for local groups such specialized problems as those involved in holding successful Street demonstrations or public rallies; in opening and operating a political bookstore; in setting up a revolutionary print shop; in installing and operating a recorded-message telephone service; and, in the case of the largest groups, in producing a local party newspaper. Monthly, or even twice-monthly, workshop sessions for each local group, with National Front staffers training local organizers, would provide an enormous boost to the capabilities of the local groups and at the same time generate a fresh supply of the best local talent for recruiting into the National Front staff.

Services of this sort would require National Front organizers to keep on the move, spending a day or two each month (more if necessary in special cases) with each group. Other staff services could be provided with relatively little travel. If three or four of the local groups are large enough to print monthly tabloids, for example, much of the content can be provided by the National Front propaganda staff: all the national and international news items, editorial cartoons, feature articles, and even some of the local news stories. A service of this sort would not only make it enormously easier for a local front organization to have its own propaganda organ, but would maintain the essential thread of unity of purpose among all groups affiliated with the National Front.

Ultimately, some single party, with an undisguised National Socialist program, may very well become the bearer of the revolution. But, without a leader of extraordinary capability, that is not likely in the near future. We must act now, and we must choose a mode of operation which allows us to build the largest possible power base with the greatest possible speed. The two-level operation suggested here, with an infrastructure of organizations designed to recruit a mass base and a superstructure which coordinates these organizations from an überparteilich standpoint, offers a number of advantages over previous efforts.

Cosmotheist

Re: Prospectus for a National Front

Post by Cosmotheist » Thu Apr 03, 2014 7:21 pm

Thanks for this contribution, Cosmotheist. However, I've removed most of what you cut and pasted here from the rival NARRG group that threatens us. We can rise above their criticism of us being "illegal copy-cats," or whatever.

Dr. Pierce's prospectus for a National Front was written in 1970 when he was still in his National Socialist phase of political development. Regardless, it can be see from this historical document where he was heading in founding the National Alliance four years later. He had not yet formulated his Cosmotheistic thoughts into the spiritual basis for political organizing. This is a good topic for discussion as we attempt to revive the National Alliance and Cosmotheist Community Alliance based on Dr. Pierce's teachings. -Will Williams

---

NARRG "threatens" the "copy-cats" after first suing EG for control of the NA and for NA's
"assets and resources".

=============================================================================
[From NARRG (National Alliance Reform & Restoration Group) site the very day our Alliance aired our first American Dissident Voices broadcast:]

Response to Illegal Attempt at Appropriating National Alliance Assets
Safeguard & Protection
December 28, 2013

This is public notice that the National Alliance Reform & Restoration Group has become aware of a project by at least two individuals, one Kevin Strom and the other Will Williams, who are already publicly indulging to illegally appropriate the National Alliance name, publication rights, copyrights, trademarks, symbol, etc., to create yet another copy-cat group...
======================================================================================================

Does the "spiritual/political" Night of the Long Knives include replacing the late Dr. Pierce's true Cosmotheism with
their own Judeo-Christianity/political "tent-ism"? If so, the "leadership" of NARRG will be no more "restorative" to
the NA than just letting EG continue to pervert it for his own selfish ends. Either way WE ALL LOSE!

Best regards,
Cosmotheist

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User avatar
Wade Hampton III
Posts: 2339
Joined: Fri Oct 18, 2013 10:40 pm
Location: Pontiac, SC

Re: Prospectus for a National Front

Post by Wade Hampton III » Thu Apr 03, 2014 10:28 pm

Thanks, Wade, but I've removed your comment, quoting the NARRG faction's smears of our efforts.

Their lawsuit against Erich Gliebe's rump Alliance is not our concern.

Cosmotheist

Re: Prospectus for a National Front

Post by Cosmotheist » Mon Apr 07, 2014 8:54 pm

Cosmotheist wrote:Thanks for this contribution, Cosmotheist. However, I've removed most of what you cut and pasted here from the rival NARRG group that threatens us. We can rise above their criticism of us being "illegal copy-cats," or whatever.

You are most welcome, Will. Anyone that sees that criticism by NARRG of you and Kevin would like to know that you
can rise above such "criticisms" and "threats", etc. That was why I posted it here for those that would like to know.



Dr. Pierce's prospectus for a National Front was written in 1970 when he was still in his National Socialist phase of political development. Regardless, it can be seen from this historical document where he was heading in founding the National Alliance four years later. He had not yet formulated his Cosmotheistic thoughts into the spiritual basis for political organizing. This is a good topic for discussion as we attempt to revive the National Alliance and Cosmotheist Community Alliance based on Dr. Pierce's teachings. -Will Williams



Sure. Yes. His thoughts evolved into a Cosmotheistic "spiritual basis" when confronted by "the question" posed by a
Jew at the "Indian Springs Friends School" of "Why is it important for the White Race to survive?". This event is also mentioned in "The Fame of a Dead Man's Deeds". The formulated and eventual answer to that "posed question" had
formed the "spiritual basis" for Dr. Pierce's White Racialist Cosmotheism.

http://www.counter-currents.com/2012/07/cosmotheism/
---

NARRG "threatens" the "copy-cats" after first suing EG for control of the NA and for NA's
"assets and resources".

=============================================================================
[From NARRG (National Alliance Reform & Restoration Group) site the very day our Alliance aired our first American Dissident Voices broadcast:]

Response to Illegal Attempt at Appropriating National Alliance Assets
Safeguard & Protection
December 28, 2013

This is public notice that the National Alliance Reform & Restoration Group has become aware of a project by at least two individuals, one Kevin Strom and the other Will Williams, who are already publicly indulging to illegally appropriate the National Alliance name, publication rights, copyrights, trademarks, symbol, etc., to create yet another copy-cat group...
======================================================================================================

Does the "spiritual/political" Night of the Long Knives include replacing the late Dr. Pierce's true Cosmotheism with
their own Judeo-Christianity/political "tent-ism"? If so, the "leadership" of NARRG will be no more "restorative" to
the NA than would just letting EG continue to pervert it for his own selfish ends.

Either way, or with either,
WE'd ALL LOSE!

Best regards,
Cosmotheist

Image

User avatar
Will Williams
Posts: 3472
Joined: Sun Jul 28, 2013 9:22 am

Re: Prospectus for a National Front

Post by Will Williams » Mon Apr 07, 2014 9:57 pm

Cosmotheist wrote:
Cosmotheist wrote:Thanks for this contribution, Cosmotheist. However, I've removed most of what you cut and pasted here from the rival NARRG group that threatens us. We can rise above their criticism of us being "illegal copy-cats," or whatever.

You are most welcome, Will. Anyone that sees that criticism by NARRG of you and Kevin would like to know that you
can rise above such "criticisms" and "threats", etc. That was why I posted it here for those that would like to know.
Understood.

Let them criticize and threaten at their blog all they want. We don't want to do that here any more than we'll address their attacks in an ADV broadcast. We'll continue to build and gain momentum by our good work and accomplishments.

Check out the two new items put up today at the WLP Legacy blog: http://williamlutherpierce.blogspot.com ... kness.html

Feel free to put these up at this forum, Cosmotheism. Out of the Darkness is one of the most spiritual Cosmotheist sermons Dr. Pierce ever delivered. Be sure to include the audio along with the text.
If Whites insist on participating in "social media," do so on ours, not (((theirs))). Like us on WhiteBiocentrism.com; follow us on NationalVanguard.org. ᛉ

Cosmotheist

Re: Prospectus for a National Front

Post by Cosmotheist » Tue Apr 08, 2014 7:44 pm

Will,

I agree, "Out of the Darkness" was excellent. :D

Here is the link:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oI07LkGOu9c#t=19

The text is below:

======================================================================================================

"Two thousand years ago the poet Ovid wrote that night is a sadder time than day. I know that's always been true for me. When discouraging thoughts come, it's usually at night.

Actually, I'm pretty cheerful most of the time. But it used to be that, occasionally, when I was working alone in the National Office late at night, a black thought would come into my mind -- always the same thought. It was that there's not enough time to do what I must do. It was that something will happen to me before the Alliance is strong enough to survive and continue growing without me.

Then a feeling of desperation would come over me and I would have to fight off an almost overpowering urge to do whatever I could to speed things up -- to go back to the quick and dirty methods that I had tried in past years. Now, I didn't yield to that urge because I had already found out the hard way that the quick and dirty methods don't yield lasting results. I knew that we had only one shot at winning this war we're in, and it has to be a good shot. We can't miss. We can't build something that is flimsy or false. We have to do it exactly right, or it won't work. But doing it right sometimes seems painfully slow. And it would be futile, self-defeating, if in my care to do it right I didn't get enough of it done so that others could carry on before I was overtaken by disease, or by an accident, or even by an assassin.

Now, in a sense, this black thought which used to creep up on me late at night, was the thought of death, the fear of death. We're all mortal. We all know that we have to die -- though no one wants to. The way we've dealt with this fear of death in the past has been to identify ourselves with something immortal, to think of ourselves as part of something in which we can continue to live after our bodies are gone. Patriots have identified themselves with their countries -- often so strongly that they were almost eager to die in order to advance the interests of their fatherland: the land of their forefathers. It was easier to be patriotic, of course, when our country still belonged to us, when we were able to associate a particular village, or farmstead, with our ancestors for several generations back; when the graves of our fathers, and grandfathers, and great great great grandfathers, were around us -- and so were their works: the fields that they had cleared, the buildings that they had built, the trophies they gathered in their lifetimes, the records they left behind them. We could easily fit ourselves into the pattern of generations and centuries, and be content in the knowledge that our own works, and trophies, and records, would also be preserved, and would become part of the lives of our descendents. We would fight anyone who threatened that pattern. We would die in order to preserve it, so that we wouldn't be forgotten, so that we would always have a little niche in the memory of all the generations which were to come.

Today the whole pattern has been smashed to bits and ground into the mud. We've lost our roots, our sense of belonging, our connection with the past and with the future. We can't count on being remembered. In fact, if current trends continue for a few more years, and Martin Luther King's dream of "full equality" is realized then our grandchildren won't even know who their fathers are, much less their grandfathers. So patriotism provides little comfort for mortals these days.

And it's no wonder that many people are searching for something else, besides their countries, to identify with. For me that something has long been the whole universe. My life is part of its life and I know that the larger life of the evolving universe will go on no matter what. That's my religion, or part of it. But it's a rather impersonal religion, and on dark, lonely nights at the office, it does not by itself provide enough comfort to keep dark moods away. There is in all of us, I believe, a need for a more personal identification with something immortal. We need more than merely the knowledge that each of us is a momentarily glowing spark of individual consciousness in a conscious cosmos -- a cosmos which, even as its overall brightness grows, witnesses the winking on and then out again of billions of individual sparks.

We need, in addition to that, the knowledge that we as individuals make a difference. We need the knowledge that we can make a mark on the world through our own efforts, and that the mark we make will last. We need to know that our personal contribution to the life of the universe will be remembered after we are gone -- that others will add to it and help it grow -- so that ten generations from now, or even a hundred generations, the record will still be there. There will be someone then who will be able to say: Back during the great struggle, ages ago, when the race nearly perished, there were a few men and women who were on the right side; a few who did what had to be done; a few who made the difference; and even today, centuries later, we remember their names and their works.

That's the sort of knowledge which is able to overcome the fear of death, the sort of knowledge which gives each of us a personal connection to the infinite. It's true that the self-consciously evolving cosmos, of which I am a part, is the ultimate reality. But it's also true that the Alliance provides my personal connection with that ultimate reality. The Alliance is the means by which I, and many others, can make individual contributions to the future. The Alliance not only magnifies our efforts -- gives us leverage that we wouldn't have if we were working on our own -- but it also provides a safe repository for our contributions, makes them into lasting contributions. And as it keeps them from being washed away in the growing tide of chaos on the outside, it keeps them in place long enough for another member to add his own contribution on top of ours, and then for another to build on top of both, and so on.

For example, if one of our members writes a book which is a valuable contribution to our overall effort -- say, member William Simpson and his Which Way Western Man? -- then he doesn't have to worry that it will immediately disappear into oblivion when he dies, or is no longer able to promote it himself. He knows that even after he is gone, the Alliance will remain to continue distributing his book, continue reprinting it, magnifying its effect, until another member is able to build on that work with a book of his own, which advances the Cause still further.




That, of course, is the theory. The trouble is it has been a pretty shaky theory in the past, primarily because far too much was dependent on a single individual: me. Who could be sure whether I would last from one month to the next? Who could know whether or not all of the hard work, and money, and time, he was putting into the Alliance would be wasted? Because I might, at any minute, give up and announce that I was tired of butting my head against the wall, and that would be the end of it.

From my own viewpoint things were a little different, but still not particularly encouraging. I knew that I wouldn't give up, but I could see others giving up all around me. It seemed that every time we would manage to struggle ahead a step, we would slide three quarters of a step back again. And I knew that we were not strong enough to keep going at all if I quit, which meant that I had to hang on and keep on pushing things forward until we reached a critical point where I could stand aside and things would keep moving without me, because there would be the right people, ready and able to take over all of my responsibilities. My concern was that nothing must happen to me before we reached that point. From a purely selfish standpoint, I didn't want my spark to wink out without making a difference, and the black thought that kept coming to me late at night was that I was losing the race, that I couldn't reach that critical point soon enough.

It was never a matter of quitting. I never worried that all of my hard work was being wasted in the sense that I could've been spending my time more enjoyably. From the time I started, there was only one thing that I could do -- even if there were no hope at all of winning. I couldn't stop even if I had wanted to. Nevertheless, whether I was working willingly or unwillingly, the occasional late-night feeling that it was all for nothing was quite distressing.

Fortunately, daylight generally had the effect of dispelling my gloom, and so I was able to present a cheerful face to the world. Now, the only reason that I'm making this confession to you is that my black thoughts are a thing of the past. If I still had them, I certainly wouldn't tell you about them. But the fact is that I have not been gloomy about our prospects for at least the last year-- and I still work late, alone, in the National Office at night. What's made the difference is the results of our recruiting during the past year.

For the task that the Alliance must accomplish, quality is everything. In the last year we have been winning commitments from people who have what it takes to get the job done. Attendance at our convention this year may be up only forty per cent. over last year, but the number of people in the Alliance who have what it takes has doubled. We're finally getting the good ones now substantially faster than we're losing them -- and, really, we've just started.

For years, we were bogged down in the childishness -- the make believe -- the buffoonery -- the stupidity -- of the right wing. That's no one's fault but my own, of course -- because I knew nothing else but the right wing approach. I really thought that populism, an appeal to the dispossessed, an appeal to the so-called White masses, was the way to proceed, the way to gain strength.

And I was often in despair, when I finally realized that it wasn't; when I saw how few people we were winning in whom I could have any confidence at all. Changing our approach was difficult. It meant breaking some bad habits that we had acquired. It meant alienating a certain clientele that we had attracted, whose continued support I was then convinced that we really needed.

But we did change. And, within the first six months, I could begin to see a real improvement. The right wing kooks stopped coming around, and in their place came people that I could be proud of -- people in whom I could have confidence. That's when the late night despair disappeared.

We have a long, a difficult, and a dangerous road ahead of us yet. There will be many casualties along the way. We'll make more mistakes, certainly, and we'll have to correct ourselves many times. We may yet be overwhelmed by the enemy, or we may be too slow and be overtaken by circumstances -- but I'm now convinced that we can reach our goal.

I can foresee the time now when it will no longer make any difference what happens to me, because there will be others who will keep the spark glowing, and will make it grow brighter and brighter with each passing year. I foresee immortality, for all of those who have nourished the spark and who will nourish it in the future. I see more people -- like you who are here with me tonight -- joining our Cause every month, and every week. I foresee a growth, and a strength, and a capability for the Alliance, much greater than we have ever known before. I foresee it not in the distant future any longer, but in the time immediately ahead of us, as you go forth tomorrow and recruit for our Cause other men and women like yourselves. Thank you."

======================================================================================================

Best regards,
Cosmotheist

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Wade Hampton III
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Re: Prospectus for a National Front

Post by Wade Hampton III » Tue Apr 08, 2014 10:40 pm

I agree, "Out of the Darkness" was excellent. :D

Here is the link:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oI07LkGOu9c#t=19

The text is below:
Thanks much, Cosmotheist! This is exactly the shot that I needed...much like a tall jigger of good Stolich on a dark cold night! :D

Cosmotheist

Re: Prospectus for a National Front

Post by Cosmotheist » Wed Apr 09, 2014 9:15 pm

WHIII,

You are most welcome! :D

Best regards,
Cosmotheist

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Cosmotheist

Re: Prospectus for a National Front

Post by Cosmotheist » Wed Apr 09, 2014 9:31 pm

Wade Hampton III wrote:
I agree, "Out of the Darkness" was excellent. :D

Here is the link:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oI07LkGOu9c#t=19

The text is below:
Thanks much, Cosmotheist! This is exactly the shot that I needed...much like a tall jigger of good Stolich on a dark cold night! :D
IF you liked that shot....here is another...for the road so to speak....

======================================================================================================


Dr. Pierce: Our Alliance Must Have a Spiritual Basis
The following is a Cosmothest lecture that Dr. Pierce gave on March 27, 1977.
It is reprinted from the National Alliance BULLETIN:
A Program for a New America
By Dr. William L. Pierce

"The topic I announced for tonight is a little misleading. I said I intended to talk about “A Program for a New America,” but a more accurate title would be “Why We Haven’t Yet Announced a Program for a New America.” That is apparently a subject which is on the minds of a great many people. When I talk to a new person who has recently read an ATTACK! for the first time, the questions he asks tend to be of the sort: “What do you plan to do with the Blacks?” or “How do you propose to solve the Jewish problem?” or “Do you intend to do away with the income tax?”

And many of our own people, who have been reading Alliance publications for quite a while, ask similar questions. MS asked me several questions of this sort a few days ago and TO was pressing me for a program statement on the Jewish problem about two weeks ago. The answer I gave both M and T was essentially this: We don’t have any plan for dealing with the Blacks We don’t have a proposed solution for the Jewish problem.

I have the feeling that neither of them was completely satisfied with this answer, and since the questions were important ones which are also in many other people’s minds, and since I have actually given quite a bit of thought to my apparently trivial answer, I think it may be worth while elaborating on it, so you can understand just why that is the only correct answer at this time.

If the National Alliance were a political party; if theCosmotheist Community were a political party: if I or M or T were running for a seat in the U.S. Senate -- then, of course, we would have to have a program, and we would be obliged to have specific answers to all sorts of questions, not only questions about how we propose to deal with the Blacks and the Jews and income taxes, but about many, many other things also: about wages and prices, about the armed forces, about public transportation, about pollution and energy and so on.

But neither the Alliance nor our Cosmotheist Community is a political party, and I am not and, so far as I know, neither M nor T is a candidate for the Senate, and so we are not anticipating being in a position next month or next year where we will have to introduce legislation or take other concrete actions relating to the Jewish problem or taxes or anything else. So we do not have to have a program, with specific proposals for dealing with these things.

On the other hand, we could have a program, even though we are not obliged to. Anyone can sit down and daydream about what he would do if he became king tomorrow And, in fact, that seems to be what most small radical groups, on both the left and the right, spend most of their time doing. And nothing sounds sillier that a blustering 15-point ultimatum from a 10-member group of leftist revolutionaries or an announcement by a right-wing “party” consisting of five members and a mimeograph machine that they intend to send the Blacks back to Africa or to do anything else, when they clearly have neither the power to carry out their program nor even the faintest prospect of attaining that power. All they do by announcing a program is accentuate their own impotence. One immediately recognizes them for what they are: children who lack the maturity for coming to grips with the real world and who choose instead to live in their own fantasy world.

Let me back up for a moment. Everyone daydreams occasionally. I can well imagine that thousands of spiritually healthy men in this country have occasionally caught themselves fantasizing, as I have, about being trapped in an elevator for an hour with Henry Kissinger as the only other passenger--and an ice-pick. But unless we actually intend to put ice-picks up our sleeves and go looking for Mr. Kissinger, right now, it is best to put such fantasies out of our minds and think instead about the things we actually do intend to do. Fantasizing is only bad when it begins to serve as substitute for real planning. And the announcement by a political group of detailed proposals for remaking the world is only bad when it serves as a substitute for actually tackling problems of a somewhat smaller magnitude -- a magnitude that the group is actually capable of handling or has reasonable prospects of soon being able to handle. There is a name for the habit of indulging oneself in make-believe as a substitute for the real thing, and we want no part of it.

Now, we are still a small group, we are not a political party, and there’s not much chance one of us could be elected to the White House or the Senate in the next few years. But we might win a seat on a local school board, if we put up some candidates. Suppose we did. What about announcing a program then?

Well, if we were serious about wanting to win a school-board election, instead of merely using the election campaign as a forum for attracting attention and expressing our views, we would have an important decision to make; to tell the truth or not to tell the truth. That is, we could, on the one hand, run on a platform consisting o promised to oppose forced school busing -- if that were a threat in a particular school district -- and to make the schools safe by instituting a policy of permanently expelling anyone caught shaking down another student for his lunch money or assaulting a teacher. We might even go so far as to promise to overhaul the school curricula, weeding out the phony-history courses dealing with the imaginary gassing of six million Jews and the equally imaginary Black-roots topics. Such a platform would invite the wrath of all the liberals and the minority elements in the district -- including, of course, the media. Nevertheless, there are still enough White people with good instincts left in the population so that such a platform might not frighten them too much. One might conceivably win with such a platform and might not frighten them too much. One might conceivably win with such a platform, although it is certain not likely, considering the hullabaloo the liberals and the Jews and the Blacks would raise at the very prospect of having such a “racist,” such a “bigot,” such an “anti-Semite” on the school board.

On the other had, one could tell the whole truth to the public -- one could have an election platform which let it all hang out, so to speak. One could explain that it is not busing which is wrong, nor hooliganism by animalistic Black students, but racial integration itself. One could explain that the problem with what the kids are being taught in school today is not that the textbooks contain a few lies about the last war and about the supposed great contributions of the Black man to Western civilization, but that the entire basis of our educational system is rotten, that the entire American educational philosophy is wrong. And one could give promises to work to remove all non-Whites for the local schools, if elected, and to purge every Jewish and other non-Western influence form faculties and curricula -- promises which, quite obviously, one could not effectively keep, because one would bring all the power of the Federal police state down on one’s head if one tried.

Needless to say, considering the brainwashed conditions of the American electorate, the chances of winning a school-board election with such a platform are quite a bit less than with the first platform. And that is true even though one might very will run into less opposition form the media and the liberal establishment with the second platform, because then one could be dismissed as such an extremist, such a nut, that there was no significant danger of one’s winning. One’s candidacy would just be one of those freaky things we have to tolerate in a democracy, like the candidate the Prohibition Party puts up for the Presidency every four years. He receives very few votes, even from the tee-totalers, because they see no point in wasting their votes on a man who would not be allowed to carry out his program, even if he won.

************************
[Lying and compromising] are inherent,
they are inescapable, in any democracy.
************************
To recapitulate: The choice, if we put up a man or a woman for a school board seat, would be this: either to announce a program, a platform, full of compromises and evasions and half-truths -- even to lie outright about our intentions, if questioned too sharply by the press: or to tell the whole truth, and thereby turn the campaign into an exercise in futility.

Now, you might very well ask at this point, “So what’s the matter with lying and compromising, considering the absolute necessity of what we’re trying to do? After all, all’s fair in war. And besides, lying and compromising are obviously what it takes to win elections under the present System -- in fact, they are inherent, they are inescapable, in any democracy. The average person, the average voter, is never capable of dealing with the truth when it is unpleasant or calls for self-discipline.” That’s what you might say.

Well, the trouble with lying and compromising is that we would not survive such tactics, in my opinion. I do not believe that any radical group, any fundamentalist group, can survive its own lies, at this stage of development. It is simply incorrect to believe that one can adopt such tactics without paying a heavy price. That is because we depend almost completely now upon true believers for everything we are doing. We receive economic and moral support, of course, from a large number of people who agree, to a greater or lesser extent, with the ideas expressed in ATTACK!, but who do not really understand our basic motivation -- and probably never will. Their thoughts and attitudes are too strongly locked into conventional patterns. But the active core of our movement consists of people who not only understand but are totally committed to the basic spiritual values form which all the ideas in ATTACK! and everything we talk about in these meetings are derived. Those are the values which are given to us by our Truth, by our Affirmation, which we recite together at the beginning of this meeting.

For the great majority of the people who send us five dollars a year for an ATTACK! subscription, it may be sufficient that we are opposed to school busing and to the Jewish domination of the news and entertainment media. But for the people who give up their careers, who expose their families to hardships, who work long hours when others are relaxing, who, in fact, may be called to put their lives on the line for the sake of what we are doing, these superficial things are not sufficient. Their commitment is rooted in the fundamentals. And they are not willing to compromise those fundamentals.

As our community grows, we expect there to come a time when we are large enough that we can diversify our efforts by setting up subsidiary organizations or front organizations which will make whatever compromises are necessary to accomplish specific, limited, political tasks -- without our central community compromising the values on which it is founded.

But that time has not yet come, and every new step forward we take now requires the winning of new true believers to our cause, people who are attracted only by the beacon of eternal Truth and not merely by a desire to find quick and superficial solutions to a few acute social or economic or racial problems, They are not, in other words, the kind of people who are continually jumping on bandwagons and the off again -- Goldwater bandwagons, Wallace bandwagons, Reagan bandwagons -- but people who make a lifetime commitment to a single Purpose. Those are the people whose hearts and minds we must win now, and so we must not lie, and we must not compromise.

Now, up to this point, I’ve given you two reasons why we haven’t announced a specific, detailed program, or platform, for solving America’s current problems and building a new and better America. The first reason is simply that we don’t want to sound foolish by announcing a lot of plans that we have no apparent prospect for being able to carry out. The second reason is that we are unwilling to say things which we do not believe for the sake of a large public acceptance, because we need those men and women who are attracted by our pure and unadulterated Truth far more than we need a larger public acceptance.

Does that mean, then, that our program is limited to the broad and general goals described on page seven of each issue of ATTACK! and that we have no idea about specifics? In ATTACK! we say:
Our members are working to build a revolutionary new order of things in American life--a new order based on natural laws.
We want to develop in America a healthy cultural and racial approach to politics reflecting an understanding of authority, discipline, duty, and honor.
We want to achieve an organic society which will not only protect and perpetuate the great, traditional values of Western civilization but will purify the Western world of the degeneracy of communism and liberalism.
We want to secure for our people control over our own destiny by eliminating from the nerve centers of our society every anti-American and anti-Western influence.
We want to safeguard our racial identity by putting an end to the present insanity of enforced racial integration, which is threatening all involved with social chaos, cultural dissolution, and racial death.
We want to foster among our people, though the recapture of our information media and our educational system, a new spiritual outlook: the outlook of free men living and working in harmony with Nature.
We want to make possible for our people a new way of live, a meaningful and satisfying way of life as opposed to the present rat race in which every man and every woman exists simply as an exploitable economic unit.
We want our country, one day to have a sane policy toward the other nations of the world, in place of the self-destructive idiocy which presently passes for American foreign policy. We need a policy based on a recognition that our interests are bound up with those of the other peoples having our common racial-cultural heritage, whether in Canada, Europe, southern Africa, Australia, or elsewhere, and that other races must develop in accord with their own distinct racial-cultural imperatives -- without help or hindrance from us except where such development poses a distinct threat to our own security.
You see, that program gives no specifics. It says, for example, that we want an end to racial integration, but it doesn’t say how we are going to achieve that goal. It doesn’t say what we have in mind for the 30 to 40 million non-Whites in this country, especially if they decide they want to stay integrated. And it doesn’t say how we intend to recapture our information media and our educational system. It doesn’t answer many questions which naturally arise about our intentions. It only says, in very general terms, what we want, but it doesn’t say how or when, and it doesn’t give details. Does that mean that we don’t have a more complete program?

************************
[W]e are unwilling to say things which we do not believe
for the sake of a large public acceptance
************************
Not exactly. We have thought about specifics, and we do have a number of ideas along particular lines relating to these general goals. But we haven’t published them--or a watered-down and compromised version of them -- and we don’t intend to, for the two reason already mentioned and also for an even more fundamental reason, which I’ll tell you about in a moment. But first let me get a few more preliminaries out of the way.

In the first place, the political, social, and racial goals I just read are not going to be achieved tomorrow -- or next year. Any really detailed plan of action requires a knowledge of the circumstances, of the conditions, which will exist when that plan is implemented. We known that our goals must be achieved, but we cannot say when, and we have no way of knowing under what conditions. I don’t think it is very profitable for us to speculate publicly about what conditions will be like in this country 10 or 20 or 30 years or more from now and then to announce detailed plans based on such speculations. In fact, all we can do, even in private, is tentatively explore various contingencies which might arise, try to estimate the various probabilities, and then think about what we should do now to be able to deal effectively with the broadest range of likely future developments.

In the second place, even if we knew the circumstances ahead and could make a detailed program now, it is not likely that it would be a program we could publish. I see a future for the American people -- for White people everywhere -- which is very, very grim. I see a general public which in the future will be even less disciplined, even more decadent and spiritually ill than now, and I see some extraordinarily painful measures being required to restore our people to moral and spiritual health.

I see a future which is red with blood because of the accumulated foolishness of decades, and I hardly think this grim picture is one which the public today wants to look at, nor do I think it will help our cause to try to force them to look at it or at a political program based on it. They would reject it. They do not have sufficient understanding. They do not have the spiritual basis required to understand and accept it.

And that brings us to the essence of the reason for not publishing, at this time, a political program more detailed than the general statement of goals which appears in ATTACK! Our Purpose, after all, is not to elect a conservative Congress or to repeal the 14th and 15th Amendments to the Constitution, so that we can return to “business as usual.” It is the Creator’s Purpose; it is to begin ascending once again the never-ending Path of Life which leads from man to superman and beyond, the Path which carries our race, and what it will become, through higher and higher levels of consciousness toward the total and perfect Self-realization of the Creator.

That is our Purpose, the Purpose for which our program must be designed. It is a program which can, therefore, be only partly political in the ordinary sense and is, in fact, more spiritual than political. And it is utterly wrong to believe that we can achieve our political goals, the political portion of our program, before we have implemented our spiritual program.

That is the fundamental mistake of virtually all the right-wing parties and groups today, whether they are running candidates for office or not. They seem to believe that they can radically transform the political, social, and racial scenes without a spiritual transformation, a spiritual reawakening, of our people first. It cannot be done.

We have, I am afraid, a natural tendency, a natural weakness, which leads us to this mistake. It is the tendency to place all or most of the blame for what ails us on others instead of on ourselves. It is very easy to blame the Blacks for the fact that our cities have become filthy, crime-infested jungles and our schools combat zones where very little is learned. And it is very easy to blame the Jews too, not only for allowing the Blacks to do what they do, but for the corruption of our economy and the undermining of our national defense.

But it is a fact that when this country was formed we had no Black problem and no Jewish problem. We ourselves, our own people, were in total and complete control of our destiny, and everything that has happened to us had happened, in a sense, with our own consent.

We certainly cannot say that what the Blacks have done to our cities and to our schools was done by sneaking up on us and pulling off some sort of coup. They have done it gradually, over a period of more that a hundred years, and we failed to stop it. We failed to act even before the Jews had captured our news and entertainment media and began injecting their spiritual poison into us. Just as with the Blacks, we had every opportunity to halt what the Jews were doing, but we did not.

And the reason we did not is essentially a spiritual reason. We allowed ourselves to fall prey to these alien influences because we did not have a spiritual basis for resisting them. We did not have the proper values, the proper priorities, the proper standards, the proper attitudes and goals; we did not have the proper understanding, the proper degree of consciousness of our identity and our mission. Our lives, individually and collectively, were not committed to the One True Purpose. And until we have cured that situation, until we have cured our own inner sickness, we cannot hope to deal successfully with our external enemies.

Now, this cure, this healing of ourselves, is much, more than a matter of education, much more than merely getting the facts to the public about race and about what the Jews are doing. It is primarily a matter of bringing about the inner reorientation that will give the public the desire and the will to act on those facts. This is something which I have talked about before -- it is largely the subject of our Introductory Meeting Tape -- and I will not repeat myself on that score tonight, except to recapitulate our reason for our program being of the nature that it is.

************************
We allowed ourselves to fall prey to these alien influences because we did not have a spiritual basis for resisting them.
************************
Other groups -- third parties and fourth parties and what have you -- will continue issuing political programs and running people for office. And that is fine. We certainly have no complaint about that. Such activity at least calls public attention to certain problems and serves an educational purpose, although a quite limited one.

But we are fundamentally different form these other groups, and we will remain different. We have stated some, though not all, of our general goals. But our program is not one of working directly through ordinary -- or extraordinary -- political processes to achieve these goals. We understand that they cannot be achieved by themselves, without first laying a proper spiritual basis for them. Therefore, our program is directed almost entirely toward the accomplishment of this spiritual prerequisite for our political goals. Our program is concerned now, and will be concerned for the foreseeable future, with awakening a consciousness of identity and mission in an elite minority of our people, a minority in whom the Divine Spark, the Universal Urge, the Creator’s immanent Self-consciousness, burns brighter than it does in the rest, and when welding this awakened elite into a growing community of blood and consciousness, a spiritual community primarily rather than a political one, a community imbued with an understanding of our Truth and unconditionally dedicated to our Purpose, which is the Creator’s Purpose.

When this community is strong enough so that it can begin realistically to contemplate the implementation of our political goals in the larger society -- that is, when we have crossed the second threshold of which I spoke to you some weeks ago -- then, and only then, will we formulate and announce a full and detailed political program.

And I might make one final observation. I said our spiritual program is a prerequisite for our political program, but it is not just a prerequisite, not merely a prerequisite. It stands on its own. In fact, if I had to say which program is of more fundamental importance, I would immediately say it is our spiritual program.

If, by some miracle, we could carry out our political program directly, without a general spiritual reorientation first, I would have no faith in the results. They would not last. But as long as our community survives, as long as there are at least one man and one woman of our race left who are committed to our Truth and able to raise their children and pass that Truth on to them, then even if this country were obliterated utterly, even if Western civilization were obliterated utterly, I would still have confidence in the future and in the eventual implementation of a new version of our political program, no matter how long that might take."

======================================================================================================

Best regards,
Cosmotheist

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Wade Hampton III
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Re: Prospectus for a National Front

Post by Wade Hampton III » Wed Apr 09, 2014 11:13 pm

IF you liked that shot....here is another...for the road so to speak....
Ahh..indeed so! March of 1977! It would be another
eighteen years before the words of Doctor Pierce and
his NA would become known to me...and even then...
thru a plagiarizer and con artist who "photoshopped"
Dr. Pierce's words to appear as those of the plagiarist.

A plagiarist and counterfeiter are one of the same stripe,
and in my opinion, both should be put to death.



:!:

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