The Fame of a Dead Man's Deeds

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Will Williams
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The Fame of a Dead Man's Deeds

Post by Will Williams » Fri Jun 16, 2017 4:15 pm

I stumbled across this old Amazon review of Fame by the noted Cosmotheist Steven Romer, who correctly writes: "This is Backbone-of-a-great-library stuff".
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5.0 out of 5 stars
Eye-opener about a courageous man and eccentric genius.
By Steven E. Romer on February 24, 2003

This is a rare book that no bookshelf should be without. Each page removes the cobwebs from your vision, removes the conditioned prejudice and hate from your judgments of what you will see in the end to be the life of a truly great man. A man whose greatness is in the tradition of the men who signed the declaration of independence. he is the real deal. An unsung hero of suppressed truths and oppressed peoples (of a currently most unpopular flavor). You do not have to agree with everything he says to see that he is a great lover of truth, civilization, righteousness, justice, and all other good and natural things. Reading about William pierce is like reading a book about the building of the pyramids--because it is about a nagging, unbelievable, inscrutable aspect of our world That is both foreign yet strangely familiar. That aspect is racism--the widely held ideas about racial differences espoused by various racial groups. This is Backbone-of-a-great-library stuff. buy it for its tabloid-style controversial appeal, keep it forever for its universal truth and beautiful exposition of an unusual, controversial, and certainly courageous life. From a purely objective standpoint, it does not get more interesting or worthwhile to read than this, folks--whatever your background or political views.
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C.E. Whiteoak
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Re: The Fame of a Dead Man's Deeds

Post by C.E. Whiteoak » Sat Jun 17, 2017 12:16 pm

Now that is one great review of one great book! I read The Fame of Dead Man's Deeds over ten years ago, and still have the book. I will read it again.

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Will Williams
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Re: The Fame of a Dead Man's Deeds

Post by Will Williams » Fri May 04, 2018 6:11 pm

C.E. Whiteoak wrote:Now that is one great review of one great book! I read The Fame of Dead Man's Deeds over ten years ago, and still have the book. I will read it again.

We have our bookstore open again now and a stock of Fame available for $24, here. https://cosmotheistchurch.org/product-category/books/

Of the five copies donated to us recently by the author, Dr. Griffin, signed by him, we have just one remainig. Want it? I have someone else who'll pay $100 if you don't. It should go to someone like you who will keep it in the family.

The final installment of Fame audio book was just posted today. All of the installments can be found here:
https://nationalvanguard.org/2018/05/th ... t-contact/ Fame will be available soon as a CD.

TODAY WE PRESENT THE FINAL installment of our audio book series based on the biography of William Luther Pierce, The Fame of a Dead Man’s Deeds by Robert S. Griffin, read by Vanessa Neubauer.

Click here for all the chapters of this book that we’ve published so far: https://theamericanmercury.org/tag/the- ... ans-deeds/

Today’s chapter, entitled “Final Contact,” has the author, Robert S. Griffin, reflecting on Pierce the teacher, Pierce the radical, and Pierce the man as he has known him. Professor Griffin, on his last day with Dr. Pierce, asks him what he thinks his legacy will be — what purpose his life has served — and what form the future he helped to shape will take. And what part, the author asks, did Dr. Pierce’s sense of responsibility play in what he accomplished?

Listen to the final installment of The Fame of a Dead Man's Deeds
We thank Professor Robert S. Griffin for his multiple kindnesses and assistance in making this project possible. We thank you, our readers, for being willing to explore the life and ideas of a man whom the Establishment has derided, attacked, and condemned as “evil.” And we thank Miss Vanessa Neubauer for her hard work in recording this audio book.

Today we rejoin Vanessa Neubauer in her reading of this week’s installment — the very last chapter, chapter 29 — of Professor Robert S. Griffin’s masterful biography of Dr. William Luther Pierce, The Fame of a Dead Man’s Deeds...
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Will Williams
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Re: The Fame of a Dead Man's Deeds

Post by Will Williams » Tue May 26, 2020 9:25 pm

Chapter 8: The National Alliance
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Pierce told me he was somewhat adrift for a few months after breaking from Koehl and the National Socialist White People’s Party in 1970. During this respite, he cemented in a conclusion that had been formulating for some time: that he needed to change his overall approach to things. He discontinued the journal he had been publishing, National Socialist World, after six issues, deciding that there was too small an audience for a theoretical journal of this kind. There was no National Socialist movement in this country, no organization to which people belonged, and a very limited number of people identified themselves with the National Socialist ideology. Plus, Pierce wanted to establish contact with a wider range of people: “I was certain there were many people around who didn’t think of themselves as National Socialists who were concerned about the same degenerative trends in politics and demographics as I was, and I wanted to find them.” And beyond all that, he simply wanted to deal with people closer to the normal end of the stability and reliability spectrum than he had been for the past few years. “There were too many crackpots where I had been.”

One day, Pierce was watching television and saw an interview with the chairman of an organization called the National Youth Alliance, a man by the name of Lou Byers. Pierce hadn’t been familiar with either Byers or the National Youth Alliance prior to that time. Pierce learned from the television interview that the NYA was aimed at college students and oriented toward opposing the 1960s counterculture on campus. The NYA defined the counterculture as being characterized by anti-Vietnam war sentiment, sympathy toward recreational drug use, alignment with black militants, and a general anti-authority, anti-establishment posture. Basically, the NYA was a radically conservative version of another organization, the Young Americans for Freedom, which had the endorsement of mainstream conservatives such as 1964 Republican Presidential candidate, Barry Goldwater.

“I want to talk to this Byers,” Pierce said to himself. Even though Pierce wasn’t at heart an organization type, and he certainly didn’t like administrative work, nevertheless he had decided he needed to link up with an organization of some kind, and this National Youth Alliance sounded as if it might be a good possibility. The Nazis weren’t a good fit, but he really couldn’t operate on his own without an organizational tie-in. He believed he could write well and get to the core of a matter, and that is the sort of thing people do on their own; but the problem was that he couldn’t express what he wanted to express operating alone. You can’t be a writer in a total vacuum, and what publisher would touch the kind of thing he wanted to write? Indeed, he needed an organizational context and support to get what he wanted to say out to the people he wanted to reach. Plus, even though he wasn’t a “people person,” he did want to establish a dialogue with others, and being part of an organization – or running one, yes, having one of his own – would be a good way to proceed.

Pierce arranged to meet with Byers and get the low-down on the National Youth Alliance. It turned out that the person who set up the organization was a man by the name of Willis Carto.1 One of Carto’s many activities – he is still going strong in his 70s – was the formation of a publishing house, Noontide Press. A Noontide Press book which has gotten a good amount of attention in radical right circles, although it is unclear just how many have actually read this dense 680-page treatise – Pierce says he hasn’t – is Imperium, written in Ireland in 1947 by an American by the name Francis Parker Yockey.2 Imperium is an Oswald Spengler-influenced call for the fight for the survival of the “organic foundations of the Western soul” against the “alien forces” that have diseased it.3 Carto wrote a lengthy introduction for the American publication of the book.

Yockey’s appearance, lifestyle, and persona have greatly heightened the interest in his largely derivative book. A slim, handsome, Ralph Fiennes look-alike, he was this mysterious character who spent the 1950s traveling Europe and America engaged in unspecified right-wing political activities and making a living in some way or another (he was a lawyer by training). One undertaking of Yockey’s that is known: he helped form a short-lived organization in London called the European Liberation Front. Reportedly, the FBI kept its eye on him. Carto, who spent some time with Yockey, described him in the introduction to Imperium as “pensive, sensitive, and magnetic,” and as possessing a “quick, knowing intelligence.” Wrote Carto of Yockey: “His eyes bespoke great secrets and knowledge and terrible sadness.”4 Yockey’s suitcase, which he had inadvertently left in a Fort Worth, Texas airport, was discovered to contain seven birth certificates, German press credentials, and American, Canadian, and British passports with the same photo but different names.5 His 1960 death at forty-three in a San Francisco jail where he was being held on passport fraud is still the subject of speculation – suicide by cyanide as they say, or murdered by the CIA?

Yockey was in the news in 1999 when he was invoked by John William King upon King’s conviction and death sentence for a savage crime in Texas which received extensive front-page national coverage. A black man, James Byrd, was picked up in the early morning hours while walking home from a party, driven to a country road, beaten, and then chained by his ankles to a pickup truck and dragged three miles to an agonizing death as his body was ripped to pieces. (Pierce’s name came into the case when it was alleged that during the crime King said something to the effect, “We are starting The Turner Diaries!”) After the verdict, King released a statement: “Though I remain adamant about my innocence, it’s been obvious from the beginning that this community would get what they desire; so I’ll close with the words of Francis Yockey. ‘The promise of success is with the man who is determined to die proudly when it is no longer possible to live proudly.’”6

In 1968, Alabama governor George Wallace ran as a third party candidate for president on a populist platform. Carto, Pierce formed an organization called Youth for Wallace, and under that banner sent out letters asking for financial contributions. When the Wallace campaign ended, Carto established a new organization, the National Youth Alliance, with a different maildrop in Washington and gave it over to his employee Lou Byers. Using the mailing list Carto had built up through the Youth for Wallace efforts, Byers sent out fund-raising letters in the hundreds of thousands. During his meeting with Byers, Pierce learned that things weren’t going well for the NYA. Byers told him that it was going to fold up because the mailings were not bringing in enough money to cover their costs and consequently the organization was going into the hole financially.

Byers told Pierce that the NYA was a half-million dollars in debt and was within a couple of months of running out of credit. Pierce told Byers that he thought the National Youth Alliance was a good youth culture that was then being pushed so hard on campus and in the mainstream media. The idea was around that it was cool to show disrespect for authority, ridicule tradition and the government, live without personal discipline, and do drugs. Large numbers of college students were being induced into taking the side of the enemy in the war that was then being waged in Vietnam. But, Pierce asserted to Byers, you have to have a real organization and not just a fund-raising vehicle of the kind you’ve got now. You have to give something back to people who contribute their money. Pierce was thinking of demonstrations, activities on campus, that sort of thing, and particularly he had in mind a tabloid geared to young radicals.

Pierce told Byers that he was interested in picking up the NYA and operating it as his own organization, and with Byers’ advice and support that is what he did. No formal transfer of ownership took place between Byers and Pierce. Byers had incorporated the NYA in the District of Columbia, but by the time he and Pierce met he was working elsewhere, and, in Pierce’s words, the NYA in D.C. was “stone dead.” Pierce formed a corporation under that name in Virginia. He rented office space in Arlington and “went into business” as he puts it. He had Byers’ name on his NYA letterhead as chairman of an advisory council. Byers had told him that an advisory council with familiar names would be helpful in bringing credibility to the organization. The other members of the advisory council were two retired military men, Navy admiral John Crommelin and Marine Corps Lieutenant General Pedro del Valle, and a classics professor from the University of Illinois by the name of Revilo P. Oliver. Pierce put together the first issue of a new tabloid he wrote and edited called Attack!. He borrowed two thousand dollars from Byers to print it up and sent it to fifteen thousand people on a mailing list Byers provided him. Pierce describes the mailing as an “instant success,” as it brought in a six thousand dollar return. This set Pierce on his way in his new venture. In 1974 he discontinued the National Youth Alliance and started the National Alliance, which involved forming a new corporation in Virginia. Dropping the youth designation in the title reflected a movement toward a broader, more inclusive orientation. Ever since, the National Alliance and William Pierce have for all practical purposes been synonymous.

Pierce gave it his all to make the National Youth Alliance, his first independent organizational activity, a success. He worked from dawn to late at night and slept on a couch in his office Monday through Friday. He saw his wife and two boys only on the weekends. He had decided that in order to make it work, the NYA would have to be his top – and, really, only – priority, and that everything else, including his family and relationships and his own personal well-being, would have be subordinated to it. This outlook and approach was consistent with the message he had internalized from the George Bernard Shaw play Man and Superman that had had such a big impact on him. This was his first real chance to live out Shaw’s concept. The National Youth Alliance would be his vehicle for serving the Life Force. As Pierce saw it, what he achieved through the organization he would build was the only thing that truly mattered in the larger scheme of things. Everything else paled in significance compared to this part of his life.

Beyond the philosophical justification for giving himself totally to this endeavor, Pierce decided that it was realistic to do so given the facts of the situation he was in. His read of the circumstance was that if this venture, the NYA, was going to succeed – and he was by-and-large alone with it, building it up by himself, this organization that had failed in others’ hands – it was going to take everything he had in him, all of his time and attention. He couldn’t afford to expend any of his energies elsewhere.

This work-comes-first-and-requires-every-ounce-of-me outlook, stemming from a servant-of-the-Life-Force conception of the meaning of his life and reinforced by the perception that the facts of the immediate situation require it, took firm hold with Pierce in these early years of the National Youth Alliance. It is an outlook that has stayed with him to this day. Now, at an age when others are retired and tending to their gardens, Pierce works day and night. Several times I broached the possibility of his cutting back some on the hours he spends on the job, and he didn’t entertain that idea at all. “No, I can’t afford to do that,” he would quickly insist. “There’s too much that needs to be done to cut back.” It was clear to me that he really believes that. And I must say, he seems to bear up well physically and mentally to the incredibly long hours he puts in, and he appears to be happy in what he is doing. I never once heard him complain about the time he devotes to his work.

Pierce’s wife Patricia was virtually the sole breadwinner for the family throughout the 1970s. He said he spent those years “dodging bill collectors and hanging on by my fingertips.” He finally got to the point, he told me, where he could afford to pay himself fifty dollars a month. He moved his location several times during the decade, eventually occupying a small building that had formerly been a watchmaker’s establishment. As time went along, he was able to hire a secretary and buy the equipment that would enable him to do all of his printing in-house and save him the time and cost of farming it out.

Producing and distributing the tabloid Attack! and its successor, another tabloid, this one called National Vanguard, which Pierce began publishing in 1978, was the central activity of the NYA/NA in those years. About the switch from Attack! to National Vanguard, Pierce said that Attack! seemed to him to be suited for a publication directed primarily at young people and that National Vanguard seemed more appropriate for a wider audience. He said that he tried to upgrade the quality of the Alliance’s publications and give the organization a more serious image as time went along. In particular, he tried to lower the level of bombast and sensationalism as the organization, and he, matured. Reflective of this change in approach, National Vanguard changed over from a tabloid to a slick-paper magazine in 1982. The frequency of the publication of Attack!/National Vanguard has been around eight issues per year. At the present time, National Vanguard issues are not forthcoming. Pierce describes the magazine as being in “suspended animation” until he can find a new editor. He says he simply doesn’t have the time to devote to it.

Preparing and distributing the tabloid wasn’t the NYA/NA’s only activity during the early years. They held some small demonstrations of their own and at other times would tag onto others’ demonstrations as a way of promoting their ideas. An example of one of their own demonstrations, in 1975, Edward Levi, whom Pierce describes as a Jew with a far-left background which included involvement with the National Lawyers Guild, had been named Attorney General by President Gerald Ford. Pierce said the Alliance had about twenty pickets marching around the Justice Department with signs pointing out Levi’s ethnicity and past affiliations, but that the media completely ignored them. More successful efforts, he said, were when twenty-five or so of his people carried a huge banner during Vietnam war demonstrations in Washington. The banner said something to the effect that the United States, as Pierce put it to me, “ought to either ‘nuke’ Hanoi or get the hell out of Vietnam.” Pierce sees war as deadly serious business. Young lives are being lost every day. If something so big is at stake and the circumstances are such that you must get into a war, then you ought to go all out to achieve a decisive victory as rapidly as you can. Otherwise don’t get into it in the first place. No tiptoeing around. If you are going to fight, fight, with every resource at your disposal.

Another National Alliance activity was the Sunday night meetings which began in 1975 when Pierce had offices large enough to accommodate the number of people who were attracted to them, in the twenty-to-thirty range. Pierce would show films and give talks to set out the framework of beliefs behind the Alliance and its – that is to say, his – vision of a good life and a good society. The Alliance also produced a series of comic books aimed at young people. The art work was amateurish and the dialogue wordy and stiff. But then again, a great deal of time and effort must have gone into the preparation of these comic books, and they reflect the lengths Pierce has been willing to go to get his message across. In 1987, he formed a separate corporation, National Vanguard Books, to handle all of his publishing and sales operations.

Then there is the weekly radio program that dispenses his message which began in 1991, American Dissident Voices. The program is carried on short wave and on several AM stations around the country – the stations change, and the number varies as stations add and drop the controversial program. In 2000, there were seven AM stations that reach areas of Arizona, Texas, Alabama, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Maine, and Florida. ADV broadcasts reach an estimated one hundred thousand people worldwide.

At present, Pierce handles the radio show completely on his own. He writes the script in his office on his computer. A show runs ten double-spaced pages, which is about three thousand words. He then records it in the studio on the second floor of the headquarters building and mails the tapes of the program to the radio stations that carry it. Evelyn Hill posts it on the National Alliance Web site (www.natvan.com), sends it to people on an e-mail list, and uses the scripts as the basis of a monthly subscription (forty dollars per year) desk-top publication called Free Speech. Evelyn finds pictures to accompany each of the four articles included in each Free Speech issue.

“When I am writing for a radio program,” Pierce told me, “I am not as demanding as when I am writing for a magazine like National Vanguard. When I am writing for print I’m thinking people are going to be looking at this and that every word has to be right. I can’t have sloppy phrasing. But when I’m writing for the radio program, it is much more conversational. I repeat things for emphasis and I’m not so careful how I develop an idea. You have to be a little simpler in oral things because people can’t go back and study the text and let the idea get into their heads. You’ve got to pound in what you say, so it has to be short and pungent.”

I was with Pierce when he recorded an American Dissident Voices program. He sat at his desk in his office and read the completed script out loud off his computer screen to proof it and to hear how it would sound when broadcast. He said typically it takes him about two days to prepare a script. When he is satisfied with what he had put together, he printed a copy and takes it upstairs to the recording studio, the only carpeted room in the headquarters building. He turns the dials on a large console which sits on a wooden table, clipped a microphone to his Tshirt, and sits down at what he calls his “soundproof” plastic chair, which I took to mean the one that doesn’t creak. The day I was there, he said “bup, bup, bup” to test the sound level, and he was set to go.

Pierce sat on the plastic chair in his T-shirt, jeans, and work boots with a gun strapped to his waist and recorded the script he had written. He held the script in his left hand a few inches from his face. With the first beat of the show, his persona changed. He went from being mature, sober, and rather kindly to loud, strident, and marginal sounding. I have always thought Pierce’s radio shows read better than they sound.

Not long into the taping, Pierce stumbled over a word and reached forward and pushed a button and stopped the process. “Oh, I don’t know why I do this!” he exclaimed. “How does Brokaw do this?” Then he started again at that point. Another mistake. “Oh hell!” Stop and begin again. Mistake. “Oh God!” This went on until he finally got it recorded.

The program Pierce recorded that day had to do with a crisis then going on (this was late 1997) over Iraq’s refusal to permit a United Nations inspection team to check for biological and chemical weapons within its borders.7

In 1991 we bombed Baghdad and slaughtered more than 100,000 Iraqis because they had invaded Kuwait – which in fact used to belong to them before it was taken away during the colonial period. And then we imposed a crippling economic embargo on the defeated Iraqis – an embargo which has caused the deaths of an estimated half-million Iraqi infants and children during the past six years and which is maintained because of Israeli insistence. So the Iraqis have plenty of reason to hate us now, but no reason to try to hurt us if we would leave them alone. Iraqi interests lie in the Middle East and only in the Middle East.

The reason we are headed toward another war with Iraq is solely because of the influence of the Jews on the government of the United States. It certainly isn’t because we are concerned about Iraq’s development of weapons of mass destruction. If we were serious about that sort of thing we would have stopped Israel from developing its chemical, biological, and nuclear arsenal. The reason it’s all right with our government for the Jews to have weapons of mass destruction but not all right for the Iraqis to have them is that the Jews control the news and entertainment media in the United States – and thus wield effective control over the political process – and the Iraqis don’t. And that’s the only reason.

After Pierce records a program he adds a pre-recorded, standard introduction that tells about the National Alliance and an “outro,” an ending that tells listeners how to contact the organization. Then he mails tapes to the stations that carry the program. Pierce recorded the program on Iraq, the one I observed, in the mid-afternoon. That evening at 7:30 he was listening to a playback of the tape in his office. From the expression on his face he seemed pleased with how the program had turned out and was immersed in what he was doing. The intercom that he has set up with Irena at the trailer rang. He didn’t answer it.

Primarily through Evelyn Hill’s efforts, a National Alliance Web site was established in the mid-1990s. Pierce reports that it now gets between twelve and twenty thousand “hits” a day – which means that many times a day computers make contact with his site. The Alliance Web site includes information about the organization and its publications, copies of Pierce’s radio broadcasts, and ways to get in touch with the twenty or so local National Alliance units and make overseas connections (among them, the National Democratic Party in Germany and the British National Party). The site also has a Letters from Browsers section which includes letters and e-mail messages praising Pierce and his message as well as some scathingly critical of them both. The criticisms he included in the Letters from Browsers section when I checked it were all crude and vulgar condemnations (“Hey, you white trailer trash…”). I mentioned to Pierce that I had read similar letters except they were from the opposite perspective in a book I had just finished by Alan Dershowitz called Chutzpah (“You are a commie assed pinko… Shyster.”)8

“Look,” Pierce responded, “that is a time-honored way to discredit people who oppose you. What you do is associate them all with the lowest among them. Dershowitz in publishing those letters makes it seem that anybody who opposes the Jews in any way is an ignorant bigot, and that stops the discussion in its tracks. This kind of thing was done particularly effectively during the civil rights revolution in the 1950s and ‘60s. There were many thoughtful, upstanding people who opposed what was being done to America back then. For example, there was Carleton Putnam, the head of a major airline.9 But the media ignored him and instead focused on the slobs and the white trash and their reaction to what was going on. People would watch some low-life guy with his face contorted with hatred yelling ungrammatical curses at blacks and think ‘I don’t want to be associated with that guy.’ The guy doing the yelling saw his life threatened and did the only thing he knew how to do, but people watching the tube couldn’t get beyond his style to what he was reacting against. We use the same technique when we publish letters on our web site. There are a lot of very intelligent and literate people who oppose us, but the letters we publish are the ones that reveal hatred, warped minds and so on.”

At present, the National Alliance is a dues-paying membership organization, with members paying ten dollars a month. Some members voluntarily contribute more than that. There are in the neighborhood of twenty local units with leaders whom Pierce selects. Many of the Alliance’s members are not part of local units, however. The Alliance’s local units operate quite autonomously. Pierce really doesn’t have the resources to oversee them. The vitality of a particular local unit is to a great extent a function of the capabilities of the unit leader. The units in Cleveland and Orlando are especially active units, with regular, well-attended meetings and organized functions, speakers and celebrations, and so on. Pierce doesn’t reveal the number of members in the National Alliance. My guess is that membership in the Alliance is in the two thousand range with its rate of growth picking up in recent years.

The two key people working alongside Pierce in the National Alliance central office are Bob DeMarais and Evelyn Hill. Both are invaluable to Pierce, and both work long hours. And they can’t be doing it for the money. I believe they draw salaries in the range of a thousand dollars a month with no benefits. They may be getting some help from Pierce with housing. Bob had just built a house on the property when I arrived, and I don’t know whether he has to pay any real estate taxes. Evelyn lives in the original farmhouse on the property, and it could be that she doesn’t pay anything for that. I really don’t know; I didn’t talk with any of the principals about it. Whatever the case, Bob and Evelyn aren’t getting rich working in far-right politics.

Bob is a former marketing professor at Arkansas Tech University. He handles the business and marketing end of Pierce’s operation. He has a doctorate from the University of Oklahoma. Bob had been with Pierce in West Virginia for a couple of years when I arrived. I stayed with Bob when I was on the property. His house is prefabricated. He told me that once a foundation was laid, a big crane set the house onto the foundation in sections. Bob’s house is a very modest one, one floor of four small rooms. It has a walk-in basement, and Bob plans on putting a couple of rooms down there, which will make the house in effect two stories. A deck was partly completed when I was there. The features in Bob’s house – woodwork, plumbing fixtures, and the rest – didn’t strike me as exactly top of the line. Even though everything was new, during my stay the toilet ran constantly and water leaked onto the floor.

Bob was just settling into his new house when I was there, and the room which would have served as a living room was completely full of boxes and the door was shut. So that left just the kitchen and Bob’s bedroom and my bedroom. Two Siamese cats shared the house with us. They pretty much had the run of the place and spent a good bit of their time on the kitchen table and countertops. One of them would vomit in front of Bob’s bedroom door to show his displeasure, Bob assumes, at Bob for having closed it and blocking his entry. Bob had to put a piece of extra carpeting in front of his door to protect the regular carpeting in that area from vomit stains.

Bob told me that Pierce had designated where he should put his house, which turned out to be about a hundred yards to the left front of the headquarters building. Bob’s house is on the edge of Pierce’s property, and Bob had to buy some land from the owner of the adjacent property to get a place to put in a water pump.

Bob had a late model white Chevy Blazer like Pierce’s that I would see parked in front of the house. I associate the house with Bob’s Blazer. On the front of the SUV where a license plate would go (evidently you don’t have to have a front license plate in West Virginia) was a National Alliance plate. On it was a Life Rune around which were the words “National Alliance.” At the bottom of the plate was “Toward a New Consciousness, a New Order, a New People.”

Bob is tall, 6’2” or so, with short, neatly trimmed graying hair that is receding in the front a bit and thinning. I think he said he was fifty-one. He has a mustache and wears large wire-rim glasses. He has soft features and reminds me of Johnny Carson when Carson was his age. When I was there, Bob was almost always “dressed down” in a T-shirt, jeans, and worn athletic shoes. He had on a gray suit at a conference held on the property while I was there, and he looked very distinguished in it. Bob has the build and movements of an ex-athlete. I can imagine him playing forward on his high school basketball team back in South Dakota where he grew up, although I don’t know whether or not he actually did.

In manner Bob is soft-spoken, polite, modest, respectful, self-effacing, and sincere. I was very touched by the consideration and kindness he showed to me while I stayed with him. I didn’t have to ask for things. Bob would be vigilant to what I needed and would go out of his way to provide it.

Bob said he grew up in a “My Three Sons” world of “two hardworking parents and nice kids.” People stayed married where he was from when he was a kid, he said, and there weren’t drugs or gangs, and there was very little illegitimacy. Adults around where he lived, Bob said, were oriented toward their children and the community, not narcissistically toward themselves. A large group of boys in his neighborhood would get together on their own and play baseball. His sister was in a Brownie and Girl Scout troop. Bob truly believes that the way he grew up is natural to white people, and that they have been pushed away from their natural inclinations by alien (read Jewish) influences in the media and schools and elsewhere.

Bob heard one of Pierce’s radio programs “by accident,” and that what he heard struck home with him. He listened to a couple more programs and then ordered some books through the National Vanguard Book catalog and read for two weeks straight. After that, he was “in.” He feels that his life matters now that he has come to work with Pierce in West Virginia. Before, in his university teaching, he was training people to live in, as he put it, “a screwed-up world.” He thinks that when it came down to it, the research that he had been doing had been pointless; and as for the conferences he would go to “where everybody praised each other’s work” – an empty exercise.

Bob spends hours upon hours each day in front of a computer screen as part of his job, but otherwise he largely rejects technology and modern culture. He hasn’t seen television since 1992, as he considers it representative of values and ways – multicultural, liberal, Jewish, cosmopolitan – that are contrary to his beliefs. He asked me about the show Seinfeld, which he had heard about but never seen. “Seinfeld is a Jew and plays a Jew, right?” he asked me. Before I could answer, he added, “And everybody on the show is a Jew, right?” And then quickly, “Do they argue a lot?” Evidently he assumes that Jews argue a lot. Bob went on to say that he thought The Three Stooges acted like Jews.

It’s Bob’s belief that we live in a pseudosophisticated time. He prefers the world of the Zane Grey western novels he reads. The old western novels and films have straight-ahead good guys/bad guys plots, and that they reflect a kind of elegant simplicity he wants in his own life. He has a collection of old western films, although I don’t know when he gets to see them without a VCR.

Bob reads a great deal, and I asked him what books he would recommend to me. He thought a second and then said, “Have you read Growth of the Soil by Knut Hamsun?” I later checked on the book and Hamsun. Hamsun was a Norwegian writer who was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature. He wrote Growth of the Soil in 1921.10 It is one of the books that Pierce sells through National Vanguard Books. Bob wrote the blurb for the book in the catalog.

Isak, the central figure of the novel, at first appears to be a simple man. He searches the moors for good farmland and a good woman. Her name is Inger, and together they build and protect their farm and their family. There are a thousand problems to solve, but Isak’s and Inger’s strength, will, and intelligence solve most to them… Land and family: it’s what we live for. It’s part of the Aryan soul, our link to past and future.11

Hamsun was prosecuted after World War II for encouraging his countrymen to cooperate with the Germans during the German occupation of Norway. A fine film, Hamsun, with Max von Sydow in the title role, was released a few years ago and centered on this part of Hamsun’s life.

Bob selects many of the books that are sold through the National Vanguard Books catalog. A book for both children and adults he likes very much is Tarka the Otter by the English writer Henry Williamson.12 Tarka the Otter was written in 1917, and, as with Growth of the Soil, its author had problems on account of his sympathy for the Nazis. Williamson was arrested in 1940 for his opposition to the war with Germany.

Bob is a lifelong bachelor, and I think he has some regrets about that. He showed me a letter he had written to a woman in Florida responding to one she had written to the Alliance asking what the organization was about and how it might make a difference to her life. Pierce had given Bob the letter and asked him to reply to her. Bob wrote a draft of a letter to her and showed it to me. In it, he talked about his life. “Over the last 30 years,” he wrote, “several of the women I met would have made wonderful wives and mothers. But I could feel the jaws of responsibility tightening around me. I knew I would be ‘happier’ single. But I realize now that the only purpose of life is life. It isn’t to go to heaven as Christians believe, but to continue the chain of life. Babies are more precious than going to heaven. I want children to bring me pictures they have colored, and for their children to bring them pictures they have colored. I want this cycle to go on and on.”

I think Bob would very much like a wife and family to share his new home and new life in West Virginia. However, I don’t know how good his chances are of meeting someone in the sparsely populated area in which he lives now. When Pierce gave Bob the woman’s letter and asked him to write her, I wondered whether to any extent Pierce was playing matchmaker. Pierce had done that one time I know about for someone else who worked with him, a man named Kevin Strom. In that instance, Strom eventually married the letter writer.

Bob has great admiration for Pierce. For one thing, he sees Pierce as a man’s man. Bob told me it was too bad that I hadn’t been at the property a few weeks earlier when they were building a structure at the top of the hill. He said that Pierce had shown great courage on that occasion, climbing around twelve feet above the ground. He also has high respect for Pierce’s intellect and toughness and will. The only concern he has about Pierce I picked up is that he worries that Pierce’s heated rhetoric, all the references to violence and revolution, might be scaring off some people who might otherwise agree with the Alliance’s perspective.

I’ve lost touch with Bob since I left West Virginia. I have an image in my mind of this quiet man sitting alone at his kitchen table early in the morning, an open book and his yellow marking pen next to him, eating Sugar Frosted Flakes. And then very late at night, after a long day at the headquarters building, again alone, the same book, the same marking pen, eating a TV dinner. I hope Bob is OK.

Evelyn Hill’s office is just across the hall from Pierce’s, and from what I could see she provides yeoman service to him. Evelyn manages the Internet site for the National Alliance, handles all of its (which means Pierce’s) correspondence, seeks out material from the Web that she thinks might be useful to Pierce in putting together his radio program, and edits the monthly Alliance publication Free Speech. It appeared to me that Evelyn doesn’t quite match Pierce and Bob’s twelve- and thirteen-hour work days, but I saw her in the headquarters building many a late evening when I was around.

I had almost no personal contact with Evelyn. Whenever I have had any business with Pierce when I was not in West Virginia and have gone through Evelyn to get to him, she has proven to be very responsive and efficient. But when I was around the property, she never as much as looked at me. As I think about it now, I never saw her speak to anyone there about anything other than task-related matters. Evelyn seemed to be there to get things done, period. And she did get things done.

I had exactly one face-to-face exchange with Evelyn. One afternoon a couple of days before I was scheduled to leave the property, I stood in the doorway of her office and asked if I could snap a picture of her. I held up my small camera and said, “Could I take your picture, Evelyn?”

She looked up from her desk and for the first time that I know of she laid eyes on me. She replied politely but very firmly, “No, I don’t photograph well.”

And that was that.

Evelyn lives alone in the original farm home on the property. I don’t know much about her background. I believe she has a doctorate in pharmacology and that she worked as a pharmacist in Washington state before she came to West Virginia in 1996. I think she made contact with Pierce through one of the bi-annual leadership conferences he hosts on the West Virginia property.

One experience involving Evelyn I’ll always remember brought home to me that even radical politics is a job like any other. Evelyn has rheumatoid arthritis. One day I was in Pierce’s office and Evelyn brought up her lack of health insurance and her concerns about what will happen to her if her arthritis gets worse. In her loud, somewhat coarse voice she said to Pierce, “I suppose if I get really bad you’ll just throw my stuff on the lawn out front and get rid of me.”

Pierce replied matter-of-factly, “I’ll do whatever is best for the Alliance.”

Pierce considers the National Alliance to be the only serious, mature, radical right-wing organization in America, and views it as being equivalent to the National Democratic Party (NPD) in Germany and the British National Party (BNP). Pierce maintains contacts with the NPD, whose Chairman is Udo Voigt, and the British National Party led by John Tyndall. He has no contact with the National Front in France, whose most prominent figure is Jean-Marie Le Pen. He says he considers Le Pen to be more of a populist than a racial nationalist.

During one of my visits to the property in the spring of 1998, Pierce showed me a snapshot of a rally of the NPD in the town of Passau, Germany he had attended earlier that year. It was on February 7th, the NPD’s “Day of National Resistance.” There were sixty-six hundred people present. The people in the photo looked young, in their twenties, working-class, and about two-thirds of them were male. Pierce told me that one of the issues facing people of his political stripe in Germany, as well as here in this country, is to find ways to get through to the educated middle classes, who he believes are armored against any social or political ideas they are told are unacceptable.

German meeting halls have rows of tables and benches rather than seats. Pierce was scheduled to speak at the Passau rally. The tables were full, and people were standing along the walls. It was the biggest meeting of the NPD since 1970, and the largest nationalist meeting of any kind in Germany in the last decade. Writing about the day in an Alliance membership bulletin, Pierce reported that as he approached the hall, “There was an extremely heavy police presence, with literally hundreds of green vans bearing the word ‘Polizei’ in large letters patrolling the streets of the town and the vicinity of the hall.”13 They expected and got anti-fascist demonstrations.

Pierce took his place at the speakers table. Shortly before he was scheduled to speak, a plainclothes police officer informed Pierce that if he rose to speak he would be arrested and the meeting would be shut down. So Pierce didn’t deliver the speech he had prepared. He was the only speaker banned from addressing those who had assembled that day.

Pierce says the nationalist sentiment is growing in Germany, and that it is really upsetting “the couch potatoes, the establishment, and the Jews.” Besides the NPD there is the DVU, the German People’s Union, which has recently won some local elections. Pierce said that the growing nationalist feeling is partly due to the economic difficulties some people are experiencing, but more than anything it is coming from the sense that people have that Germany is losing its soul. “Did you ever see the film Cabaret?” he asked me. “It is a perfect example of what is happening now. This was back in the Weimar period and there was all this decadence – the idea that enjoyment is the only thing that counts, and there was this slick, oversophisticated, smart-ass café society that was taking over Germany then, just as it is taking over Germany now. There is a basic gut reaction people are having over there that this isn’t the way we are supposed to behave. This isn’t what really counts. Where are our basic values? Where are our traditions? That is what this nationalist impulse is about.”

The Home Secretary in Britain has informed Pierce that he will not be admitted into that country. However, the rumor when I was in West Virginia was that Pierce somehow sneaked into Britain after he left Germany and conferred with Tyndall and other BNP leaders.

When I was with him, Pierce was contacted a couple of times by European journalists seeking out his views. On one occasion, he gave a phone interview to a French reporter who wanted his thoughts on Le Pen and the National Front. Another time, he received a call from a reporter from the large-circulation German magazine Der Spiegel who wanted to come to West Virginia to interview Pierce for the magazine and German television. She said she wanted to get his take on what was going on in Germany and to learn about the status of white nationalist sentiment in the United States. The reporter filmed the interview with an American film crew after I left. While I was still around, Pierce was looking forward to her visit but expressed concern about how objectively his ideas would be relayed by the German media. He told me later that unfortunately his concern was warranted.

1 John George and Laird Wilcox, Nazis, Comunists, Klansmen, and Others on the Fringe (Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1992), pp. 252-255.

2 Francis Parker Yockey, Imperium: The Philosophy of History and Politics (Costa Mesa, CA: Noontide Press, 1991, first published in 1947).

3 Ibid., p. xvi.

4 Ibid., p. xiv.

5 George and Wilcox, p. 255.

6 Michael Graczyk, “Jury Sends Texas Killer to Death Row,” The Burlington Free Press, February 26, 1999, p. 1A.

7 The broadcast was published as William Pierce, “Exposing the Warmongers,” Free Speech, vol. 3, no. 12, December 1997, pp. 12-15.

8 Alan Dershowitz, Chutzpah (Boston: Little, Brown, 1991), p. 94.

9 See Carleton Putnam, Race and Reason: A Yankee View (Washington: Public Affairs Press, 1961).

10 Knut Hamsun, Growth of the Soil (New York: Knopf, 1921).

11 National Vanguard Books Catalog, No. 17, issued November 1997, p. 47.

12 Henry Williamson, Tarka the Otter (New York: E.P. Dutton, 1936).

13 National Alliance Bulletin, Febrary 1998, p. 3.

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